Facebook Pix : Celebrating the Syrian Revolution in Nottingham

Celebrating the Syrian Revolution in Nottingham

https://tinyurl.com/2a5de3gf

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Speech by Shuguftah Quddoos, the EX- Sheriff of Nottingham on the cuts

Speech by Shuguftah Quddoos, the EX- Sheriff of Nottingham. As a counsellor, she resigned from the Labour Party rather than approve the cuts to services provided by Nottingham City council.

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Photography : The only way to prove that you have been clubbed by a policeman

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‘If I cannot speak up without being sanctioned, I cannot remain’: Former Sheriff of Nottingham quits Labour Party

A former Sheriff of Nottingham has resigned from the Labour Party after being sanctioned earlier this year for voting against what she describes as “devastating” cuts to the city’s most vulnerable residents.

Cllr Shuguftah Quddoos, who represents Berridge ward, was suspended from the party having defied orders at a marathon seven-hour budget meeting on March 4.

During the meeting the budget was reluctantly approved, with some Labour councillors stating they had been forced to pass it “under duress”.

They had been warned they had a legal duty to set a balanced budget, meaning it was approved despite overwhelming discontent.

Cllr Quddoos was the only councillor to go against party orders to vote the budget through.

As she announced her resignation, she told the Local Democracy Reporting Service (LDRS) she had been inspired by the Poplar Rates Rebellion in East London in 1921.

Thirty Labour councillors had defied the government, their party and even served time in prison for contempt of court after refusing a court order to collect higher taxes on the borough’s poorer residents.

Their stand-off ultimately led to the passing of a bill to better equalise tax burdens between the rich and poor.

However, Cllr Quddoos said she was left “surprised” when she realised she would be the only councillor to rebel on the night.

The budget plans for the current year included 550 job losses, a council tax rise of five per cent, and cuts to youth services.

Cllr Quddoos says she does not feel residents are being listened to, and is fearful of more devastating cuts in the next budget round.

As a result she has decided to resign as of Thursday (November 28) to serve as a councillor independently.

“People before party has always been my political compass,” she said in her resignation letter, shared with the LDRS.

“That is why, back in March, I chose to vote against the devastating budget cuts being imposed on Nottingham. I was fully aware beforehand that I would be suspended from the Labour Party as a result.

“Now the budget for 2025 is being written. It is likely that the cuts in it will be just as damaging as the cuts made in 2024, if not more so.

“The people who will be most impacted by these cuts are going completely unheard. If I cannot speak up for them in the way they want me to without being sanctioned for it, I cannot remain in the party.”

Nottingham City Council, which is controlled by the Labour Party, will soon publish its budget for the financial year beginning April 2025.

The authority, which declared effective bankruptcy towards the end of 2023, is facing a £69m gap, rising to a cumulative £172m over the next three years.

“I understand the pressures the council is under and that there are no easy answers,” Cllr Quddoos’ statement continues.

“We’re lucky to have so many brilliant minds in Nottingham who want to be part of the solution, but the rapid pace of the cuts is getting in the way of real community partnerships.

“The kind of collaborations we need don’t happen overnight. A community centre can be sold overnight but once gone, it won’t come back. I will never be the type of politician who sits quietly by ‘with a heavy heart’ when essential services I once relied upon are taken away from others.

“The residents, foodbank volunteers, campaigners and small business owners I have spoken to in recent months feel alienated by the scale of the cuts and the way they are being handled.

“People want to see councillors truly stand with them, rejecting the idea that more austerity is the best thing for our people right now, and for future generations.

“In a city with significant deprivation that ranks amongst the highest in the country for child poverty, asking residents to endure greater hardship for less in return is simply not economically or socially sustainable.

“I intend to continue to work with campaigners, fellow councillors and others to save what public services we can.

“I welcome the reconsideration on library closures and hope to see a positive outcome. Ultimately, however, what Nottingham needs is a fundamental transformation in how local government is structured and funded.

“To fight for that, I must be able to speak freely – and I cannot do so in the Labour Party as it stands.”

It is understood the investigation into her had not concluded when she resigned.

A Labour Party spokesperson said: “The new Labour leadership at Nottingham City Council is focused on taking the tough and responsible decisions to fix our local authority, and it is making progress.

“We will continue to focus on this work as a team and get on with the task at hand for the people of our city, not be distracted by sniping from the sidelines.”

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The Guardian view on the ‘spy cops’ inquiry: police lies are finally being exposed

Editorial

It is due to the courage of victims that we are learning why these undercover officers behaved as they didThu 28 Nov 2024 18.57 GMTShare

Even for those familiar with parts of the stories about women who were deceived into intimate relationships with undercover police officers, the evidence that has emerged in recent weeks has been shocking. The litany of destructive behaviour either carried out by, or caused by, officers deployed to spy on campaigners, who were mostly active in leftwing causes, is being laid bare as never before: self-harm, heroin use, unprotected sex leading to emergency contraception, coercive control and the sudden abandonment of female partners and children.

On Tuesday, Belinda Harvey told the public inquiry how she was manipulated by Bob Lambert, who tricked at least three other women into relationships as well. The son he had with one of them, and abandoned as a toddler, did not learn the truth for decades. The Metropolitan police has since paid the son an undisclosed amount, along with £425,000 to his mother, known as Jacqui.

Next week, Mr Lambert will face questions about who authorised the tactic of targeting and seducing young, female activists – and why he employed it so many times. Last month, another undercover officer testified that Mr Lambert had “bragged” about fathering a child. The Met has already admitted that the decision by the head of the covert unit, Tony Wait, not to take any action when he learned about the pregnancy was “wholly wrong”. The inquiry has also heard evidence that another manager was told, and did nothing.

What makes all of this even more shameful is that it is only due to the tenacity of the victims – including women whose personal lives were derailed by these exploitative relationships – that these deceptive practices were ever uncovered, and set before a judge, at all. In their jointly authored book, Deep Deception, five women described how they found out that they had been systematically lied to by former partners – in some cases after decades of confusion and self-doubt. Mr Lambert stands out not only for the number of secret relationships he initiated and his alleged involvement in an arson plot, but also because his five-year deployment as a police spy in the 1980s was treated as a triumph. He was given a commendation and went on to run covert operations, including the one that spied on supporters of the murdered teenager Stephen Lawrence.

It is more than 10 years since this inquiry was ordered by the then prime minister, Theresa May. Dismaying delays in disclosure, and protracted battles over some officers’ requests for anonymity, have made the process painfully slow. It should not have taken so long to get to the point where Mr Lambert – who after leaving the police worked at several universities – must finally account for actions that hurt so many people. Two weeks ago, Paul Gravett became the fifth witness to claim that Mr Lambert played a role in a plot by animal rights activists to set fire to multiple branches of Debenhams in 1987, as a protest against the fur trade. An appeal by two men whose criminal convictions relied on evidence supplied by Mr Lambert is already in train.

It will be astonishing if the Met turns out to have championed and promoted an arsonist who caused an estimated £340,000 of damage. The women who were tricked into relationships, the thousands of other activists who were spied on up to 2010 and the families whose dead relatives’ identities were stolen by police all deserve huge credit for pushing for this process of discovery – and sticking with it.

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2024/nov/28/the-guardian-view-on-the-spy-cops-inquiry-police-lies-are-finally-being-exposed

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Expert Blog: The future of digital arts education

Michael Marsden in D&DA

Michael Marsden, Executive Dean of the Nottingham School of Art & Design

Expert Blog: The future of digital arts education

Though few people realise it, one of the fastest growing sectors in the UK right now is the creative industries – and at the centre of it is Nottingham.

Figures show that the sector’s value – measured as gross value added (GVA) – stands at around £124.6bn a year nationally, dwarfing other areas such as sport, tourism and more.

In a political climate which associates graduate jobs with STEM subjects, the creative industries is an economic powerhouse in the UK through its hundreds of innovative small businesses.

These SMEs are quietly providing careers to thousands of young people, allowing them to pursue roles which enable them to earn while satisfying their creativity.

In Nottingham, the number of creative design industry businesses has almost trebled since 2000, from 770 businesses to 2,175 in 2022. This is one of the largest growths in the sector since 2015  – outpacing even London.

So with this in mind, we are proud to be officially opening our Design & Digital Arts (D&DA) facility today, making Nottingham Trent University (NTU) the leading art and design school in the UK.

Featuring state-of-the-art technologies for the next generation of creatives to master, it will see young adults developing the skills needed for their future art and design careers.

Building on our 180 year heritage as a major UK educator in art and design, the project has led to the redesign of our creative courses portfolio, with new forward-thinking undergraduate and postgraduate degrees in subjects spanning games art, design and technology, visual effects, motion graphics, digital design, virtual production and more.

The D&DA building

NTU’s Design & Digital Arts (D&DA) building

Part of the development has involved NTU’s amalgamation with Confetti Media Group, which includes Confetti’s campus in the city’s bohemian Hockley area – and a new campus which has just opened in London.

This investment adds to the city’s creative industries ecosystem, with Confetti Media Group, the Antenna creative business hub, the Dryden Enterprise Centre, music and events venue Metronome, e-sports venue Confetti X, Notts TV television studios, and more, all within walking distance of each other in Nottingham city centre.

And our education provision doesn’t end with students.

We’re making opportunities available to support businesses and professionals through research and knowledge exchange, which will span virtual environments, archives, heritage, culture, digital design and more.

We’re giving opportunities to working professionals to undertake short courses as part of their ongoing continual professional development, so they can keep up-to-date as the creative industries evolve at breakneck speed.

Access is available to our virtual production suite, digital innovation lab, black box studio, and more. It will allow professional filmmakers and NTU students alike to access one of the most advanced virtual production suites in the UK – the same tech used to make Disney’s Star Wars spin-off The Mandalorian.

So we’re incredibly proud and excited to invest in our new D&DA facility. It will position us at the heart of one of the UK’s most innovative cities, creating the best talent in one of the fastest growing sectors in the UK economy.

Michael Marsden is the Executive Dean of the Nottingham School of Art & Design

https://www.ntu.ac.uk/about-us/news/news-articles/2024/11/expert-blog-the-future-of-digital-arts-education

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How the battle of Claremont Road changed the world: ‘The whole of alternative London turned up’

Thirty years ago, more than 500 activists united to save a street – and their actions marked a major turning-point in the environmental movement
Steve Rose
Tue 26 Nov 2024 10.00 GMT

Walking through Leyton, in east London, you could easily miss Claremont Road. It is hardly a road at all, but a stubby little side street between terrace houses that ends abruptly in a brick wall. But when it comes to the history of direct action, this could be one of the most significant sites in England. Thirty years ago, in November 1994, the scene here was very different: 700 police officers and bailiffs in riot gear marched into a significantly larger Claremont Road and waged battle against about 500 activists, who were dug in – some of them literally – against efforts to evict them.

The activists occupied rooftop towers, treehouses, underground bunkers and even secret tunnels. It took three days to get them all out. In retrospect, the “Battle of Claremont Road”, as it came to be known, was an almost unbelievable event. “I talk about the three C’s that underpin this type of activism: creativity, courage and cheek,” says campaigner Camilla Berens, who was there. “It set the template for the next 20 or 30 years of how to do responsible disruption.”

The reason for the battle, and the reason Claremont Road is now so short, lies behind that brick wall at its end: what is now the six-lane A12, also known as the M11 link road. The road had been planned since the 1960s, to connect east London to the north-east, but nothing happened for decades. In the interim, many of the condemned homes were vacated by residents and reoccupied by squatters and artists. (As a student, I squatted on Claremont Road for three years. I left in summer 1993.)

An old car with poles stuck through it in all directions is used to block Claremont Road
View image in fullscreen Cars and shopping trolleys full of concrete were used to block the road. Photograph: Julia Guest
By the 1990s, the Conservative government was determined to make good on Margaret Thatcher’s promise to carry out “the biggest road-building programme since the Romans”. Resistance from locals and environmental groups was growing, though, against schemes such as the M3 extension at Twyford Down in Hampshire (which went ahead), and the proposed east London river crossing through Oxleas Wood, in south-east London (which did not).

“The M11 link road was effectively the Cinderella of the three,” says veteran cycling campaigner Roger Geffen. Unlike Twyford Down and Oxleas Wood, the M11 scheme went through a poor urban neighbourhood, rather than an area of natural beauty, “but in a way, that’s what made it interesting,” he says. It was destroying the environment by uprooting trees and prioritising cars, but it was also destroying a community. This was the era of the Criminal Justice Act, targeting illegal raves, squatters and Travellers, which also passed in November 1994. The poll tax riots of 1990 had been another landmark. The Claremont Road protests were a “a joined-up mix of social and environmental motivations”.

At the time, Geffen had just moved to London. “I didn’t have a green brain cell in my head,” he says, but he had just taken up cycling. Weaving through the traffic-clogged streets, he says, he realised: “What I was doing wasn’t crazy. I was overtaking a lot of people in little boxes, and that was far crazier than what I was doing.” He joined the London Cycling Campaign, which led him into anti-car activism.

By the early 90s, the Department for Transport had begun repossessing and demolishing houses along the route of the M11 link road. In 1994, Claremont Road was the last street standing. “We realised that we needed to make a big focus of it,” says Geffen.

Activists built webbing up on the rooftops to evade police.
View image in fullscreen
Activists built webbing up on the rooftops to evade police. Photograph: Julia Guest
“One of the first things we did was to barricade it and set up street furniture,” says John Drury, then a PhD student studying collective action. The street became something of a countercultural tourist attraction, with colourful murals and outdoor sculptures made of junk and a public cafe. Doug (not his real name), then an unemployed activist, says: “There was a real buzz, and it had a lot of energy, and everyone was really friendly, so I just started sticking around.”

As the inevitable showdown approached, preparations became more rushed. “We had to just throw everything at it,” says Geffen. Some protesters built wooden observation towers on top of their houses. “So we thought, OK, what happens if we build an absolutely huge tower?” This became “Dolly”, a scaffolding structure 30 metres (100ft) high, rising out of the rooftops. It was named after Dolly Watson, a 92-year-old former actor who had lived on Claremont Road her entire life, and was among the last of the residents to leave. She once told a reporter: “They’re not dirty hippy squatters, they’re the grandchildren I never had.”

Other ad-hoc battlements appeared: treehouses, connected to the houses across the street by webs of netting and walkways; roadblocks made out of cars and shopping trolleys filled with concrete. Some activists built underground bunkers in which to seal themselves – “very elaborate womb-like structures that involved lots of layers of mattresses, foam, metal and furniture,” Doug recalls. The idea was that whatever tool the police or bailiffs tried to use to get them out “would get gummed up”. The upper floors of several houses beneath the tower were knocked together to create a “rat run”, and the stairs up to them were removed, to make it harder for the police to reach the protesters.

Volunteers had been monitoring police compounds for signs of activity. The callout came on 27 November. “‘It’s the one, it’s the big eviction. Claremont is going to be taken,’” recalls Berens, a journalist who reported on the events for the Guardian. “I think the whole of alternative London turned up. There was a massive party the night before.”

The next morning, 28 November, an estimated 500 protesters were ready, remembers Neil Goodwin, a film-maker who recorded much of the siege: “The rooftops were packed; every bunker, every treehouse, on the nets, the landings, the walkways, up the tower – everyone was in situ.”

“The police turned up in the early afternoon,” recalls Mark Green (not his real name), another participant. “There were hundreds of them and they swarmed into the street in stormtrooper gear with batons raised. They were expecting a full-on riot. Instead they just found a bunch of hippies and local residents sitting around.” A sound system on the tower cranked up the Prodigy album Music for the Jilted Generation.

Activists on the rooftops with webbing and a 30ft tower that activists built in the background
View image in fullscreen
A 30ft tower was also built, with a sound system from which music blared out. Photograph: Julia Guest
Things didn’t go as planned for the police. “They thought they were going to start by tackling the houses, and then they realised people had locked on to the road itself,” says Julia Guest, then an aspiring photographer. Activists had drilled holes into the asphalt, into which they had sunk lock-on bolts, which were covered over with sheets of metal with holes in them. The activists “lay down with their arms through the holes and locked their wrists on with handcuffs.”

The police and bailiffs brought in mechanical diggers, cherrypickers, ladders, hammers and crowbars; and every occupant made themselves as difficult as possible to remove. “I was in the loft at number 42, which I’d covered in corrugated iron and filled with tyres,” says Goodwin. “They had to prise us open, like a sardine tin.”

When the bailiffs eventually broke through that evening, Goodwin attached himself to part of the scaffolding tower with a bicycle D-lock, the keys of which he had chucked into a pile of tyres. “The bailiff pokes his head in, shines his torch around and goes: ‘OK, we’ll do this tomorrow.’ So they left, and I’m like: ‘I’m gonna be sitting here all night.’ So I said to people: ‘Could you see if you can find some D-lock keys?’” Luckily, they were just teetering over the edge of a gap in the floorboards.

Everyone remembers being cold and hungry, especially the first night. Few people had warm clothes, let alone sleeping bags. “After it got dark, someone led me down through a loft to warm up a bit,” says Green. “We then went through a hole in a wall and exited through a wardrobe, which was surreal, into a room where people were watching themselves on the news on an old black-and-white portable TV.”

By the second day, about half the protesters had been evicted. But, says Geffen: “The police were puzzled that people who they thought they’d evicted kept reappearing. Eventually, they got a metal detector out.” They discovered the activists had built a tunnel out of oil drums, running underneath the back gardens and into one of the houses on the next road. Supplies and people had been going back and forth the whole time. “When they found the tunnel, everyone on the tower and all the roofs just laughed at them.”

The longer the protest went on, “the more brutal the police and bailiffs became”, says Berens. Green says he saw people shoved, grabbed and falling from heights (though no one was seriously injured). “It definitely felt like there was a political element to it.”

The protesters “had a very strong commitment to non-violence”, says Geffen. “We needed to be acting in accordance with the values that we wanted to speak for. If we’re talking about environmental sustainability and sharing this Earth, and working in community, then violence doesn’t form part of that.”

By the end of the second day, there was only one protester left: Doug. “I kept moving,” he says. “If you live on a scaffolding tower for a few days, you can get quite good at swinging around. And they didn’t really want to chase me around in a game of cat and mouse.” Doug’s persistence extended the protest by another full day. The police even brought in a “hostage negotiator” to try to coax him down. “He pretended he was my dad, and was just concerned for my welfare.” Doug was not swayed. “I grabbed some rope, a saw and a few planks of wood, and I used them to make myself what was basically a coffin, which I slept in.” The police finally got to him the next morning.

A sign over the front of a house reading, ‘Please leave Dolly’s home alone’, referring to Dolly Watson, a 92-year-old former actor who had lived on Claremont Road all her life
View image in fullscreen
A sign referring to Dolly Watson, a 92-year-old former actor who had lived on Claremont Road all her life. Photograph: Julia Guest
In the end, the police spent more than £1m evicting the protesters. The M11 link road still got built, of course. Nobody believed the campaign would stop it. “But what it did do,” says Drury, “was it turned the roads programme into a political thing. So, we won the moral argument, even if we didn’t win that battle.”

When Labour came into power in 1997, it cut the major road schemes inherited from the Tories from 150 to 37, and pledged to focus on public transport. It felt like a victory for the anti-car campaigners, but it did not last. By 2000, New Labour was committing at least £30bn to building and improving roads, and forecasting that another 2,500 miles of road would need to be built.

Several of the Claremont Road activists went straight on to form Reclaim the Streets in 1995, which performed guerrilla anti-car actions – such as blocking off public roads to hold impromptu “street parties” – across the UK and worldwide. It also paved the way for subsequent campaigns such as Plane Stupid, the Climate Action Camps, Extinction Rebellion and Just Stop Oil.

The protest changed the lives of many of those who took part. “That was the day that I crossed the line,” says Berens. “Before that, I was a journalist looking in and reporting on it, but because it was such an impressive campaign, and the people were so amazing, I became a committed activist.”

“It impacted me quite profoundly,” says Guest. She became a documentary film-maker focusing on human rights in Israel, Palestine and Iraq.

Paul Morozzo, one of the key organisers alongside Geffen, is now campaign director at Greenpeace. Drury is a professor of social psychology at Sussex university. Doug is a lawyer dealing with civic issues.

Green went on to design the famous Extinction Symbol, as used by Extinction Rebellion. He is less nostalgic about the event: “I found the overall experience cold, dirty and depressing,” he says. He doesn’t like to describe it as a “battle”. “That suggests an exchange of violence, whereas it was just a group of people passively occupying an area, with the only violence coming from the police.”

But like a battle, the event took its toll. As well as committed activists, the area and the protest attracted many people with drug and mental health problems, not to mention locals who were either uprooted or forced to live on the edge of a six-lane road. “I naively hoped it would be a spark for a wider and longer-lasting societal change,” says Green. “Instead, things have just got much worse since then than we could ever have imagined.”

Geffen received an MBE for services to cycling in 2015, and now heads Low Traffic Future. “What I’m now doing is still basically the same cause,” he says. “In the 1990s, transport, roads, cars were the central issue for the environmental movement, then we lost a lot of that momentum. Environmental campaigners have gone on to do some great things on energy … but transport is now the biggest-emitting sector of the UK economy, as well as being problematic in terms of air pollution, road safety, children’s ability to play in the streets and all the waste products of car culture.” He thinks the movement needs to focus again on transport.

Another action like Claremont Road is unthinkable now, given how far legislation has tightened against protest, public disorder and squatting.

“It breaks my heart,” says Guest, “because actions like that created a generation of people that have become acutely aware, and prepared to act on strong beliefs. That is, after all, the only way that anything that’s unjust gets changed. And if people are prevented from being able to freely connect with that sort of experience, then what sort of world is going to come next?”

https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2024/nov/26/how-the-battle-of-claremont-road-changed-the-world-the-whole-of-alternative-london-turned-up

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Left Lion : Smokescreen DiY Sound Systems

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House and proud: a retrospective of Smokescreen Soundsystem

Words: Vita FitzSimons, Left Lion

Photos: Matt Smith, Alan Tash Lodge, Gary Pfeiffer, Nick Clague @kush1969, Henry Ratcliffe

Tuesday 19 November 2024

Being home to two of the UK’s greatest underground house soundsystems, DiY and Smokescreen, Nottingham has been spoilt for quality deep house music – but what were the origins of these now legendary gatherings, and how did they fit into the politics of the time? We asked the individuals who lived out those joyful days firsthand about the history of sound-systems in Nottinghamshire and beyond.

Castlemorton Common, May 1992. (Credit Alan Tash Lodge)

 Castlemorton Common, May 1992. (Credit: Alan Tash Lodge)

“You can’t choose your family, but you can with a soundsystem,” says Smokescreen Soundsystem founding member Laurence Ritchie. “Some would liken it to spirituality. We’ve become like a phonic family, a sonic commune that grows stronger over the years. It’s so much more than the sum of the parties.” 

Two years after DiY Soundsytem was formed in 1989, another collective of like-minded friends was beginning to form in Sheffield, all outsiders to the city, looking for a welcoming space where they could enjoy their music peacefully. Influenced by the spirit of 1991, they decided to ‘do it themselves’ and started holding parties on a hill above the city. At first they struggled to find DJs and equipment, but it eventually came together with ease. It was when they saw DiY’s Simon DK heading up the hill towards them with his records that they decided to buy their own PA.

Smokescreen Club Night. Sept 1992

Sept 1992: Smokescreen club night (credit: Alan Tash Lodge)

A huge collective of people helped, flowing in a steady organic stream. An incomer always appeared as if by magic to fill any skill gap left by an outgoer. ‘Smokies’, as they’re affectionately known, put on kicking solo and link up parties all over, moving their base to Nottingham in 1997. Gav, former Giddy Fruit DJ, explains unassumingly how he came to join the collective: “I hung around with my record bag for long enough, and eventually they let me play.” 

The crew went on to be one of the UK’s busiest, putting on a near-weekly party from 1993-4. “We had an inclusive, non-cliquey vibe and welcomed anyone who wasn’t an arsehole,” said Max. Fran, Rob, Andy, Tubby, Steve, Max and Gav gradually joined founding members Vicki, Laurence, Jon, Martin and their huge collective of helpers.

Like pioneering old-skool sound-systems like Spiral Tribe, Circus Warp, Bedlam, Lazyhouse, Exodus, DiY, Tonka, Pulse, Sweat, Techno Travellers and the Free Party People, Smokescreen wanted a better world, and for a moment they glimpsed one. Embracing a completely different way of life, they provided a joyful counter to the bleak existence of Thatcher’s 1980s and Major’s 90s. The early days seemed utopian, revolutionary almost. Inevitably, they weren’t allowed to continue unhindered.

When the Tory government announced its intention to make their culture illegal, Smokescreen joined All Systems No, a non-hierarchical collective of soundsystems envisioned by Alan (Tash) Lodge to raise funds to protest against the Criminal Justice and Public Order Bill (CJB), Clause 63 of which intended to criminalise gatherings of more than six people with “sounds wholly or predominantly characterised by the emission of a succession of repetitive beats.” 

The collective funded coach loads of Nottingham’s protestors to attend the mass demonstrations against the CJB in London, as well as a van and a flatbed lorry with a side curtain loaded with DiY’s PA Black Box, ready for them to play with Smokescreen. Around 50,000 people protested, including The Shamen’s Mr C, who jumped onto their lorry, took the mic and in a surreal moment started rapping to the crowd of thousands. 

All of a sudden dancing in a field felt political. When you have the long arm of the law encroaching on your life just because you want to go to a party, you become politicised by default

Matt Smith Anti CJB March In London, Smokescreen Lorry With Love Cabbage On Protesters Sign Stop Killing Our Culture Flanked By Police

July 1994: the anti-CJB march in London, featuring the Smokescreen lorry flanked by police (credit: Matt Smith)

18 Battle Of Hyde Park Day Anti CJB Protest The Smokescreen And Diy Sideloader Lorry By Matt Smith

October 1994: ‘Battle of Hyde Park’ Anti CJB Protest with the Smokescreen and DiY sideloader lorry (credit: Matt Smith)

At the first two protests there was a festive feel at Trafalgar Square and on the march towards Hyde Park. The last one took a much darker turn.

“It went off big time in Hyde Park,” says Steve. 

“There was a running battle with the police on Hyde Park Corner with charging mounted police and riot vans,” continued Andy. “The media had a field day with it.”

Anyone interested in learning more about the three CJB protests should check out the new fanzine: Tories are the Real Criminals by Sunnyside Soundsystem’s Matt Smith, activist and photo-historian author of Exist to Resist and Full On. Non Stop. All Over

Crich Quarry, Amber Valley, Peak District II.1 Good II.1 Good Aerial Shot By Gary Pfeiffer

Crich Quarry, Amber Valley, Peak District. (Credit: Gary Pfeiffer)

Thirty years ago in 1994 the Bill became an Act, but it didn’t stop the free party movement, it just made it riskier. The fundraising collective defiantly changed its name to All Systems Go.

The meeting of dance and Traveller culture had led to a wild few years of non-stop partying for thousands every weekend, but ultimately the infamous, titanic 1992 Castlemorton party ushered in the end of a traditional free festival circuit and the start of a long struggle for Travellers, currently at an impasse. The passing of The Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act of 2022 has made a nomadic way of life, even a ‘single encampment’, illegal, punishable by prohibitive fines, vehicle seizure and even imprisonment.

The whole radical subculture came under attack. Masses of ordinary people united by their passion for music and dancing suddenly found themselves potentially criminalised. 

“I think there was definitely a transition from naïve idealism to a more political stance post-Castlemorton,” says Andy. “All of a sudden going to a party felt political. When you have the long arm of the law encroaching on your life just because you want to go to a party, you become politicised by default. To be honest, we didn’t get into too much trouble post-CJA because our parties were relatively small and we took time to choose locations that wouldn’t piss people off.”

They’ve adapted to survive. So now when you go to their night at the Hidden Warehouse, whether you know it or not, you’re joining the tail end of three decades of defiant rebellion.

Smokescreen put on a now-legendary campout to celebrate their thirtieth birthday in 2022 (a year late due to Covid restrictions). “We recreated our natural habitat: friends and vehicles in a field with house music. Only this time we had a licence!” grins Steve. 

Ringinlow 1996.2 Rob On The Decks, Cle (Dallas), Tubby Max And Jon Gary Pfeiffer

Ringinglow 1996: Rob on the decks, Cle (Dallas), Tubby, Max and Jon (Credit: Gary Pfeiffer)

Henry Ratcliffe Laurence On The Decks Back In The Day And Jon Looking Through Records Beside Him (Donc3)

Laurence on the decks back in the day and Jon looking through records beside him (Credit: Henry Ratcliffe)

The events Smokescreen and DiY put on create what Hakim Bey terms ‘temporary autonomous zones’, pop-up moments and spaces that defy the normalising authority of social conditioning. Self-organising collective efforts like Smokescreen’s parties create utopian ruptures in the fabric of day-to-day reality

In the early days, technology such as mobiles and the internet had yet to become commonplace, so getting the details for a party was done through flyers, listening to pirate radio stations or asking friends for details of meeting points, directions or party line numbers. “You’d get hold of a number and the time to call it,” recalls one partygoer. “When you did, a recorded voice on an answer machine would give you directions to the party. Convoys of vehicles would congregate at random meeting points trying to figure out the next part of their journey.” 

The culture’s peaceful, caring vibe was the opposite of the drunken violence that plagued the city centres.

“People changed,” said Laurence, “they realised they didn’t have to be like that, they could just be sound. I remember seeing this guy one sunny morning looking out onto a scene of happy people. He’d been clubbing before but out there in nature the walls had been removed and I think it was removing some walls around his mind, too. He kept smiling and nodding his head, saying: ‘Sound, sound.’ I asked him if he was alright, and he turned to me and said: ‘It’s just sound isn’t it?’ And it was. Sound.” 

“Instead of being tribal suddenly everyone was being inclusive,” explains Rob.

“It happened to a lot of people,” continued Laurence. “It was actually a form of therapy because they could all just be themselves.” 

Smokescreen’s influence has travelled across the UK and beyond. It’s inspired soundsystems such as the South West’s Deep Cartel, Bristol’s Duvet Vous?, and Lincoln’s Ultrasound, all of which were drawn to the more soulful sounds of deep house in a sea of harder music. 

Reclaim the Streets was fun. Derby Road ended up getting blocked off for the whole of Saturday afternoon, decks on the ground, PA pumping, with people dancing and chalk-drawing on the streets

Smokescreen was the first soundsystem to provide an oasis of house at the Czech Teknival in 1997, leading to lifelong friendships. Gav created an offshoot of the scene in New Zealand when he moved there in 2015, having met his future wife in a club there while on tour with Steve as one half of production and DJ duo The Littlemen.

“I realised I wasn’t going to get a set where I’d moved, so I used the Notts blueprint of funky, deep house’s laid-back, unpretentious vibe and inclusive attitude and started a little underground scene in a rural backwater,” he says. Smokescreen also heavily influenced scenes in the US, Prague and Australia, he expands.  

In September 1996 the group travelled to war-torn Bosnia, coincidentally bumping into Desert Storm soundsystem, who were on the return leg of an aid and party expedition, at a famous punk squat in Slovenia’s capital Ljubljana. Altered State’s author Mathew Collin travelled with them to document the journey for ID magazine.  Those who want to learn more about the history of the party scene could do worse than read his book. 

Steve Reclaim The Streets 97 Tash Shouldve Sent This High Res Version

1997: Steve at Reclaim The Streets on Derby Road (credit: Alan Tash Lodge)

“We teamed up with other soundsystems and pro-environment direct action movement Reclaim The Streets for Nottingham’s own protest in ‘97,” says Fran. “Reclaim the Streets was fun. A months-long plan was delivered with precision. Derby Road ended up getting blocked off for the whole of Saturday afternoon, decks on the ground, PA pumping, with people dancing and chalk-drawing on the streets.” 

They were also involved in the last few anarchic Travellers’ field parties outside of Glastonbury festival gates in ‘98, ‘99 and 2000 – parties up there in the crew’s top memories. 

Dancing to deep house, especially outside and barefoot, helps nudge people’s outlook away from the norm

“It was a better party than inside Glastonbury,” explains Steve. “Michael Eavis came down on a tractor and gave us all tickets, but hardly anyone used them.”

“They didn’t bother with the festival, they were happy with us!” said Andy. “It was just one of those special times when everything was perfect. Four days of unbroken sunshine helped.”

“I first encountered Smokescreen in the Travellers’ field at Glastonbury ’98 and DJ’d on their rig there in ’99 and  then 2000, when they rocked it for nearly a week right in the middle of the proper free festival the Travellers’ field had become,” explains Deep Cartel’s Dan. “Our crew got to know them properly in 2002 at the Steart beach party. Then at an anti-Glastonbury free festival at Smeatharpe, Steve, Paul [Deep Cartel DJ] and I shared a magic moment DJing together one sunrise. I remember Steve saying: ‘Us three – let’s keep it going!’ Smokescreen definitely helped inspire our inception, giving us the final push we needed to start Deep Cartel at Glastonbury 2000. Since Paul sadly died in a car crash in 2020 those memories are especially treasured,” he sighs. Deep Cartel celebrates its thirtieth birthday in 2025.

SMOKIES Campout 2021 By Nick Clague @Kush1969

2022: Smokies campout (Credit: Nick Clague @Kush1969)

IMG 3497 Awesome Pic Of Max And Fran At The 30Th Bday 2021 Campout Nick Clague @Kush1969

2022: Max and Fran at the thirtieth birthday campout (Credit: Nick Clague @Kush1969)

Quite a few members of Smokescreen have had successful DJing and production careers. Andy Riley elaborates: “Laurence and I exported the Smokescreen sound around the world through our label Drop Music. We DJed a lot in the States, Europe, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Russia, India… all over. We don’t travel like back in those manic days anymore. Lately we’ve had a few tracks remastered through other labels. We plan to release a three-part vinyl compilation with some previously digital-only tunes, plus some brand-new tracks, so watch this space.” 

Smokescreen offers peace, love and unity, bringing together people from all walks of life, connected by a fundamental love of music and dancing. “Dancing to deep house, especially outside and barefoot, helps nudge people’s outlook away from the norm,” according to Darren, activist and social sculptor who co-founded Deep Cartel soundsystem with Dan in 2000. “It knocks their consciousness out of its conditioning, showing them life from another perspective, one closer to ancient ways of gathering, such as around fires, and accompanied by a hypnotic rhythm, inducing a sense of connection to the ancientness of the land. Basically it’s humans getting raw on the earth,” he concludes. These spaces, which he calls ‘temporary temples’ – interrupt everyday patterns of stuck behaviour and enable people to make leaps of imagination and perception. They are transformative.

Not a bad culture to build and inspire. 

“Loads of people got connected through it,” said Steve. “We’re all still together, people got together and had families, our kids grow up to be part of it, everyone feels safe and we’re still going. There must be something in that, mustn’t there?”


@smokescreensoundsystem

Smokescreen Crew 2019 By Laurence Ritchie 220 Dpi (1)

Smokescreen crew today (credit: Laurence Ritchie)

https://leftlion.co.uk/features/2024/11/house-and-proud-a-retrospective-of-smokescreen-soundsystem-90s-rave

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Landing at Birmingham from Malaga

Samsung S24 Ultra – 4K Video 3840 x2160 #airport #737 #737800 #birmingham #Malaga #S24Ultra #4K

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Take off from Malaga for Birmingham

Samsung S24 Ultra – 4K Video 3840 x2160 #takeoff #airport #737 #737800 #birmingham #Malaga #S24Ultra #4K

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On the Road from Granada to Malaga

Samsung S24 Ultra – 4K Video 3840 x2160 #spain #granada #malaga #S24Ultra #4k

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Alhambra, Granada. Spain

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The undercover copper who spied on Keir Starmer and seduced the activist the young Leftie lawyer was representing.

Daily Mail . 18 Oct 2024 . By Jane Fryer

John Barker was well-built, fit, muscular and attractive with thick, dark hair cut long at the back and shaved at the sides into a mullet, as was the fashion in the late 1980s.

He was sociable, easy to get along with, but also surprisingly open and empathetic. Or at least he was to Helen Steel, a 23-year-old, part-time bartender, gardener and environmental campaigner for London Greenpeace who, in the early 1990s, found herself embroiled in the trial of the century defending a defamation claim by McDonald’s, known as the #McLibel case.

John, a fellow activist, talked to Helen about everything. The death of his father. The sudden death of his mother back in New Zealand. His sadness at having no siblings. His dreams of having six children. His anxieties and insecurities.

Gradually, they became closer. Soon, they were not just campaigning together, but living together, loving one other, taking holidays to Scotland and Camber Sands on the south coast, all while making plans for the future.

They had so much in common. As if by magic, everything she liked, he seemed to be interested in, too.

Dave and Helen outside a McDonald's restaurant in 2005 as part of the television programme, McLibel
A young Sir Keir Starmer is pictured being interviews on Life Stories by Piers Morgan

But, in particular, the McLibel case.

It was the longest-running legal battle in English history, in which McDonald’s famously sued Helen and her co-defendant David Morris (an unemployed postal worker) in a multi-million-pound ‘David and Goliath’ three-year High Court case, over leaflets attacking the fast-food chain.

McDonald’s won – winning a £40,000 award against the pair which was never paid – but which backfired into a monumental PR disaster.

But John Barker was not actually an activist like Helen. Instead, he was an undercover policeman called John Dines employed by the top-secret Metropolitan Police Special Demonstration Squad (SDS).

And not the only one. Between 1968 and 2010, the SDS deployed 139 undercover officers to infiltrate and spy on more than 1,000 political, social and environmental groups and trade unions.

Today, the appalling scope, depth, darkness and deception of their operations continue to be revealed at the ongoing Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI).

This week, the SDS’s reputation hit a new low when the inquiry learned that, as well as inveigling himself into the home, head and bed of Helen (and the trust of her co-defendant David), Dines also spied on their young barrister – a newly-qualified Keir Starmer – who was working pro bono to help them prepare their defence against mighty McDonald’s.

So we now know how Dines, purporting to be Barker, would pick up Helen from legal meetings at Doughty Street Chambers in his van so he could talk through any confidential details of Starmer’s defence arguments on the journey home – and feed them straight to his managers at Scotland Yard. There are swirling allegations that Dines was also a bag carrier and occasional driver for Starmer – whose high-profile work in the McLibel case launched his legal career and eventual rise to become Director of Public Prosecutions.

McDonald's won ¿ winning a £40,000 award against the pair which was never paid ¿ but which backfired into a monumental PR disaster (stock image)

Even more damagingly, the Guardian reported this week that any juicy details gleaned were allegedly shared with McDonald’s, perhaps to help it win the case and defeat the activists.

Every day, it seems, more muck on the SDS emerges. All of which will be scrutinised by the inquiry over the coming months.

But for now, let’s head back to 1986. When Helen Steel, David Morris and a handful of other members of London Greenpeace (separate to the main Greenpeace) were so appalled by what they saw as McDonald’s underhand practices, that they drafted a six-page leaflet, ‘What’s wrong with McDonald’s: everything they don’t want you to know‘, that set out what they saw as the corporation’s wrongdoings.

Their allegations were far and wide, including everything from McDonald’s exploiting children through its advertising, to promoting unhealthy food, paying low wages, being anti-union and responsible for animal cruelty and environmental damage.

They handed out the few hundred copies they could afford to print on The Strand in London.

Not surprisingly McDonald’s went bananas, threatening to throw all its legal might at London Greenpeace.

It was surely madness to try to fight it out. But two of the campaigners – Helen and David – refused to apologise.

It was soon after, in 1987, that Dines, then 28, popped up on the scene. He was quick to get involved in the anti-McDonald’s campaign, giving everyone lifts in his van, becoming a key member of the group and taking part in discussions in their office, the pub or each other’s homes.

There are swirling allegations that Dines was also a bag carrier and occasional driver for Starmer ¿ whose high-profile work in the McLibel case launched his legal career

Slowly, he closed in on Helen. He dropped her home after meetings. Confided in her. Borrowed money so that he could fly back to New Zealand for his mother’s funeral. When he returned, several months later and two years after they’d first met, they became romantically involved. They found a flat in London, moved in together and started planning their future. He wanted to buy a small house in the countryside with his inheritance, somewhere he could ‘dig a duck pond for her’ and they could settle down and start a big family.

As Helen has recalled: ‘He said he wanted to spend the rest of his life with me. In a short space of time I fell absolutely, madly, in love with him in a way I had never fallen in love with anyone before or since.’

So when she (and others) received a writ from McDonald’s, he wrote her a letter, advising her not to fight the case for fear she’d end up isolated and alone. And when still she refused to step back, he was there by her side, discussing Starmer’s free legal advice from every angle.

(The two co-defendants were never awarded legal aid and, for 313 days, had to defend themselves against McDonald’s £10 million legal team in the High Court).

Alas, as we all know now – but at the time poor Helen did not – it was all lies. John Barker didn’t exist. Or not any more. Dines was hiding behind the identity of an eight-year-old boy from Derby who had died of leukaemia years ago in 1968.

Dines’ parents, meanwhile, were both alive and well. He had siblings galore. Oh yes, and a wife called Debbie, who he’d married back in the 1970s. And he was just one of dozens of undercover officers working for SDS, for whom it seems there were no limits to what they would do to protect their cover.

Some even committed crimes. According to a former colleague of Dines, he reportedly carried marbles at demonstrations to throw under the hooves of police horses and once injured himself so he could pretend he had been beaten up in the back of a police van.

Steel will probably never know whether she was chosen randomly to give Dines a foothold in the Greenpeace community, or specially selected because of her role in the McLibel campaign.

Whatever. Their relationship – and its inevitable end – had a catastrophic impact on her life. Because Dines’ departure in March 1992 was textbook SDS.

In the months preceding, his behaviour became erratic as he started complaining of mental health issues, saying there was too much pressure and stress and that he needed time away to sort his head out.

Then, one morning, Helen came downstairs to a note on the kitchen table saying that he needed some space and had flown to South Africa.

And that was that. He was gone, leaving no trace. No birth certificate. No record. Nothing but memories and a few dog‑eared holiday snaps.

‘I felt both physically and mentally spent. John’s disappearance still consumed my thoughts every day,’ said Helen.

Partly because she loved him. But also she was worried sick that he might do something to harm himself.

It took her years – and relentless digging – to get to the truth. In 1994, she discovered that John Barker had never existed. Then, in 2003, she discovered he had been a married police officer.

And, finally, in late 2010, she received confirmation he had been an undercover officer. And not the only one. Because around this time, it emerged that another undercover officer, Mark Kennedy, had had several relationships with the environmental activists he’d spied on.

And bit by bit, activists, journalists and the whistle-blower Peter Francis – one of Dines’ former colleagues – began to share the truth about SDS.

Sadly, it took Helen so long to trust anyone again that she lost her chance to have children.

But it didn’t stop her from campaigning to prevent the same happening to anyone else. And in November 2015, after bringing legal action against the Metropolitan Police and battling for years, she and seven other women – some of whom had had children with undercover officers who later disappeared – secured a settlement and an unreserved apology.

Lord only knows what drove Dines. Or what drove any of them to leave their own families and go so deep undercover that other women came to love and cherish them as their own.

After all the lies, his real-life story seems rather anodyne.

Two years in a desk job back at the Met HQ, before being retired early on an ill health pension and moving – first to New Zealand, where his in-laws lived, and, later, to Sydney, Australia, where he worked training Indian police officers to tackle Left-wing extremists.

And where, thanks to Google, Helen finally tracked him down – in 2016, exactly 24 years to the day since he’d walked out that morning. ‘I knew it was the same date, because it was International Women’s Day,’ she says wryly.

There is a video online of her confronting him in the airport. Look it up. It’s worth a watch.

You can’t hear the audio but, apparently, and looking tanned and crisp in a pink shirt, he apologises unreservedly for his behaviour.

But what good is that? The damage is done. The impact on Helen’s life. The lies, lies and more lies.

And now, this week, yet another layer of deceit emerged. Spying on barristers! Feeding stolen legal advice to McDonald’s? Lord knows what else will be uncovered in the coming months. But perhaps one day Dines will put his pink shirt on again and apologise to the Prime Minister, too.


See also the original Guardian article on which this story is based.

https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2024/oct/15/undercover-policeman-admits-spying-on-keir-starmer-when-he-was-a-barrister


Environmental and social justice campaigner Helen Steel talks about being spied on by undercover police officer John Dines.

Campaign Opposing Police Surveillance meeting, London Metropolitan University, 12 November 2014.

Video by Reel News.

https://reelnews.co.uk/2014/11/28/all-reelnews-campaigns/undercover-policing/helen-steel-speaking-at-campaign-opposing-police-surveillance-cops-meeting/embed/#?secret=dD0Pudn4bb#?secret=ISig1kNujZ

The undercover copper who spied on Keir Starmer and seduced the activist the young Leftie lawyer was representing.

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Today in policing history: #spycop Bob Lambert sets fire to Debenhams Store, Harrow, 1987.

A few short years ago, Bob Lambert’s star was rising high. Having retired from the Metropolitan Police in 2008, he had built on his reputation as a Special Branch Detective Inspector, an expert on terrorism and how to combat it. He had moved effortlessly into academia and was a hit on the conference circuit, lauded as a mover and shaker in a number of projects both state-funded and grassroots-based, aimed at opposing Islamic jihadism. A darling of liberal opinion.

How the mighty have fallen.

Since 2011, Bob’s reputation has been somewhat on the slide: exposed as a former police spy, an agent provocateur, who had used relationships with several women he met while undercover to beef up his cover story… Later, a head of the same undercover police unit he had served, supervising other spies infiltrating social movements and grieving families. His liberal aura has lost its gloss; he has had to give up some lucrative and prestigious academic positions; he faces serious questions about his past.

Lambert is described as having joined the Metropolitan Police in 1977. He is said to have joined Metropolitan Police Special Branch in 1980, before being recruited to its secretive Special Demonstration Squad sometime between then and 1983.

Set up in 1968 in response to mass protests against the Vietnam War, and funded directly by the Home Office, the purpose of the SDS was to place long term spies in political movements in the UK, to gather ‘intelligence’ which was used to undermine those movements. The SDS spied on several hundred anti-capitalist, anti-racist, anti-war, environmental and social justice groups, and many more, over 40 years. The work of uncovering the more than 140 former police spies is ongoing.

As part of these undercover operations, agents, including Bob Lambert, had long term intimate and sexual relationships with campaigners and their friends, in the most abusive breach of trust imaginable. This abuse has had a severe and lasting emotional impact on those affected. Lambert has admitted he had four sexual relationships while undercover and even fathered a child before disappearing without trace from their lives.

Bob Lambert was deployed undercover using the alias ‘Bob Robinson’ from at least early 1984 until late 1988. For about 5 years up to 1988, Bob infiltrated meetings and events of London Greenpeace, an organisation which campaigned against nuclear power and war, and on other environmental and social justice issues. He was also actively involved with peace campaigns and animal rights activities and was even prosecuted for distributing ‘insulting’ leaflets outside a butchers shop. ‘Bob Robinson’ first appeared in the animal rights and environmental milieu in north London late 1983 or early 1984. His deployment followed that of the first known SDS officer sent to live amongst animal rights activists, Mike Chitty, who appeared in South London in early 1983.

His infiltration into animal rights circles began with regular attendance at demonstrations, where he made the acquaintance of genuine activists. He soon became a familiar face at protests, and offered to drive people to and from events. He took part in hunt sabotage, protests against businesses associated with animal products, and joined London Greenpeace, an anarchist-leaning group involved in environmental and social issues.

Having established himself on the scene, he took on more responsibilities and a more active role in various campaigns and groups, and “set about befriending campaigners suspected of being in the ALF” [Animal Liberation Front]. He wrote or co-wrote a number of activist documents, including London Greenpeace’s What’s Wrong With McDonald’s? factsheet – which was later subject to a notorious libel suit issued by McDonald’s. Throughout his undercover tour as ‘Robinson’, Lambert implied to activists that he was interested in or already involved in more clandestine forms of political activity, such as that associated with the cells of the Animal Liberation Front (ALF).

As an activist in an ALF cell, he took part in a co-ordinated clandestine action on the night of 12th July 1987, which saw the burning down of the Harrow branch of the Debenhams department store, using an incendiary device designed to set off sprinklers and destroy fur stocks. Two more branches of Debenhams, in Luton and Romford, were targeted at the same time on the same night. The 1987 attacks, which caused an estimated £340,000 worth of damage on the Harrow branch alone, with £4 million in fire damage and £4.5 million in trading losses across all three, was credited with precipitating the ending of Debenhams’ involvement in the fur trade.

In fact, Bob was acting as an agent-provocateur, encouraging and taking part in the action to ensure the arrests of ALF activists. The other two members of ‘Robinson’’s cell, Geoff Sheppard and Andrew Clarke, were both arrested and subsequently imprisoned. A 2015 “forensic external examination” of SDS-related documents undertaken by Stephen Taylor for the Home Office obliquely references Lambert’s involvement in securing the arrests of Sheppard and Clarke, and indicates that the then-Home Secretary Douglas Hurd complimented the unit on its operation.

Lambert remained deployed in the field as ‘Robinson’ until late 1988. Using the pretext of being under investigation by police for his involvement in the 1987 Harrow Debenhams’ arson – which included a Special Branch raid on the home of his then ‘partner’ Belinda Harvey “to add credibility to Lambert’s cover story” – ‘Robinson’ told Harvey and other friends, including his son’s mother, Jacqui, that he needed to go ‘on the run’ to avoid capture; to some he said that he planned to move to Spain until things quietened down. He then “abandoned his flat and stayed for a couple of weeks in what he called a ‘safe house’”, before spending a farewell week with Belinda at a friend’s house in Dorset in December 1988. With this, he disappeared out of their lives, with a few postcards postmarked Spain and sent in January 1989 the only indication that he still existed.

In reality, he continued to work within the police, rising to become a Detective Inspector in Special Branch, and to head the Special Demonstration Squad. He supervised other SDS agents who spied and lied while infiltrating groups such as London Greenpeace, Reclaim the Streets, anti fascist groups and campaigners against genetically modified crops. His experience in penetrating London Greenpeace and the ALF was used as a model for other agents. He is also directly implicated in police attempts to spy on, smear and discredit Stephen Lawrence’s family’s campaign against the police failures to investigate Stephen’s racist murder in 1993; and implicated in the scandal of SDS surveillance-derived intelligence being passed to private firms organizing blacklist against trade unionists.

After Lambert’s SDS past was exposed publicly by former activists in London Greenpeace in 2011, Lambert eventually ‘apologised’ for his sexual exploitation of women while undercover; but his is not an isolated case. Of some 15 other undercover police agents now identified as spying on activist groups in the last 20 years have, almost all have had deceitful and exploitative relationships with women. Top cops claim these spies were ordered not to form sexual relationships; but in reality supervisors turned a blind eye to what comes very close to rape. Ten women used in this way by police spies have won damages and an apology from the Metropolitan Police as the institution ultimately responsible for this; one is still suing the Met. More cases will surely result as further individual police spies are exposed.

Lambert continues to deny setting fire to the Debenhams Store in Harrow in July 1987. However Andrew Clarke and Geoff Shepherd have launched an appeal against their convictions, on the grounds that the failure to reveal the involvement of a police agent provocateur as central to the ‘plot’ constitutes a miscarriage of justice. Look forward to seeing Bob have his day in court THIS time around. And now the Met’s Professional Standards Department is investigating the 1987 attack. It’s fair to say that while the police top brass will enable some very dodgy practices and cover for you, it will only go so far – if you start looking like a liability, they will hang you out to dry. Sorry Bob. 

These undercover police were not involved in ‘anti terrorist’ operations, they were spying to disrupt and weaken the growing opposition to the domination of our society by the interests of multinational corporations, and attacking community campaigns dealing with police corruption, racist or state violence. Several official inquiries and investigations have been launched into undercover policing, because of the huge public outcry the exposures have created. But its worth stressing that Lambert’s activities – both in terms of spying and of exploiting women for cover and for sex – fit into a pattern, sponsored by the highest levels of the police and the state behind it. He was not a bad apple – the whole barrel stinks.

However, Bob’s exposure has dimmed his post-police career. His part-time posts at London Metropolitan and St Andrews Universities were called into question in the light of his past being brought to light, and in late 2015 he resigned both positions after protests inside and outside both institutions. Tragic.

The upcoming Public Inquiry into Undercover Policing may well also lift some lids off many practices top cops would rather stay hidden…

Much more on Bob’s career can be found here

(from which some of this post was brazenly lifted).

And for more on the fight to expose undercover police in the UK (and beyond):

The Campaign Opposing Police Surveillance

Spies Out Of Lives: The campaign supporting women exploited and deceived by spycops

The Undercover Research Group: uncovering undercover police agents, the units they worked for, and the police structures that backed them.

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An entry in the 2016 London Rebel History Calendar – check it out online

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The Battle of Cable Street

On 4th October 1936 the people of the East End of London halted the march of Oswald Mosley’s Blackshirts through Stepney, in what became known as The Battle of Cable Street…

Street brawls between fascists on one side and ‘Antifa’, communists and anarchists on the other. Although this may sound like something from the news of Portland, USA in 2020, this is East London in 1936.

The 1930s was a period of seismic political change throughout Europe. Fascist dictators took power in Germany, Italy and Romania and left wing and communist movements rebelled against expanding fascism in countries like Spain. In Britain, this tension culminated in a violent event in the East London area of Stepney, on Cable Street.

The murderous pogroms in Russia and elsewhere in Europe had lead to many Jewish refugees arriving in the East End of London from the early 1900s. Stepney at the time was one of the poorest and most densely populated suburbs of London and many new immigrants settled in the area. By the 1930s the East End had a distinct Jewish population and culture.

Sir Oswald Mosley was the leader of the British Union of Fascists (BUF). Mosley met Mussolini in early 1932 and very much admired and modelled himself on the dictator. Mosley even created a new, sinister organisation – The Blackshirts – a quasi-military group of around 15,000 thugs, modelled on Mussolini’s Squadrismo.

Mosley with Mussolini

The Blackshirts were known for their violence, after attacking a left-wing Daily Worker meeting in Olympia in June 1934. Much like elsewhere in Europe, there was growing antisemitism in Britain in the 1930s, partly as a scapegoat for the ongoing effects from the Great Depression.

But as the number of fascists was growing, so too was the opposition against them. Trade unionists, communists as well as the Jewish community were becoming increasingly mobilised. When Mosley announced a march into the heart of the Jewish community in the East End of London, planned for Sunday 4th October 1936, the community was in disbelief and it was a clear provocation. The Jewish People’s Council presented a petition of 100,000 names to urge the Home Secretary to ban the march. But, the BUF had the support of the press and police, and with the Daily Mail running headlines in the 1930s such as “Hurrah for the Blackshirts” the government failed to ban the march and the people of the East End set about organising to defend themselves.

In the lead up to the march the Blackshirts held meetings on the edge of the East End and distributed leaflets designed to whip up antisemitism in the area. The Daily Worker called people to the streets on the day of the march, to block Mosley’s way. There were many who were worried about violence and the Jewish Chronicle warned its readers to stay home on the day. Many other groups such as the communists and Irish Dockers encouraged the defence of the diverse community from fascist intimidation. The Communist Party even cancelled a planned demonstration in Trafalgar Square and redirected its supporters to the East End.

Sir Oswald Mosley

On Sunday 4th October thousands of antifascists began to gather at Gardeners Corner in Aldgate. The battle lines were set as Mosley gathered his men at the Royal Mint by The Tower of London. The police amassed 6,000 officers to clear a path for them into Whitechapel. The police used mounted officers at Aldgate to beat back the crowds onto the pavements but thousands more were streaming into the area. Four sympathetic tram drivers strategically abandoned their vehicles to help block the road to the fascists.

“Down with the fascists!” chants were heard across East London as the police clashed with the community blocking their way. Communists, Jews, Irish Dockers, Trade Unionists all united under the chant “They Shall Not Pass!”

As the police could not get through the crowds towards Whitechapel, Mosley decided to change the route and head down narrow Cable Street, that ran parallel to his original route. The Blackshirts were headed up and flanked by the Metropolitan Police as they headed into Cable Street.

The community was ready. They had begun constructing barriers in Cable Street early that morning to block their path. To stop mounted police charges, Tom and Jerry tactics were deployed as glass and marbles were left in the street and pavement slabs pulled up. Nearby the Communist Party established a medical station in a café.

The police were met with fierce resistance. Everything from rotten fruit to boiling water rained down on them from windows on all sides. The Met reached the first barrier, but brawls broke out and the police withdrew and demanded that Mosley turn around.

Celebrations broke out across the East End that afternoon. 79 antifascists were arrested, many of whom were beaten by the police, some even sentenced to hard labour. Only 6 fascists were arrested.

Legacy.

The events of the day directly led to the passing of the Public Order Act in 1937 which banned the wearing of political uniforms in public. Moreover, Mussolini, disappointed in Mosley, withdrew his substantial financial support for the BUF. Two days after the events at Cable Street, Oswald Mosley was married in Germany, in the home of Joseph Goebbels, with Hitler as a guest.

Even though this was not the last of the violence by the Blackshirts, they and the BUF became deeply unpopular in lead up to the Second World War. Mosley and other leaders of the BUF were imprisoned in 1940.

Many antifascists who took part in the Battle of Cable Street donated money or travelled to Spain to join the International Brigade to fight fascism, with up to a quarter not returning. The strong links between the movements can be seen in the adoption of the “They Shall Not Pass” slogan from the “No Pasarán!” chant used by republican fighters in the Spanish Civil War.

Detail from the Cable Street mural. Author: Amanda Slater. Licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 2.0 Generic license.

Mural.

Today the memory of this event is commemorated with a 330m2 mural on the side of St George Town hall. Commissioned in 1976, the colourful mural was inspired by the famous Mexican mural artist- Diego Rivera. The designers interviewed local people to inform the design and used a fisheye perspective to portray the battle, the banners and the people who defended the community. The mural reminds us of the diverse communities that have lived in the area over its recent history. Though the mural has been attacked several times it remains as a memorial to the East End’s powerful ability to unite in the face of a crisis.

By Mike Cole. Mike Cole is a coach tour guide for the UK and Ireland. He is a passionate historian, whose family hails from East London.

https://www.historic-uk.com/HistoryUK/HistoryofBritain/Battle-Of-Cable-Street

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Castlemorton Picture : Guardian online

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Castlemorton picture in the Guardian again today

Castlemorton Common rave, 1992

By Alan ‘Tash’ Lodge

Photograph: Alan “Tash” Lodge

This snapshot of gurning ravers was taken at the largest illegal rave in UK history. Alan “Tash” Lodge had been attending free festivals since the 70s. On a sunny bank holiday weekend in May 1992, he joined about 30,000 partiers gathered beneath the Malvern Hills. It was meant to be a small event for new age travellers, but the news had spread. A crackdown followed, resulting in the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994, which famously targeted events with music “predominantly characterised by the emission of a succession of repetitive beats”. GS

https://www.theguardian.com/music/2024/sep/28/elton-john-stormzy-madonna-britney-41-era-defining-music-photos

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Photography Turns 200 Years Old Today

 Sep 16, 2024 Jeremy Gray

Left side: A worn, scratched, and faded metal surface with indistinct shapes, possibly old photographic equipment or an image. Right side: A portrait of a middle-aged man with light skin, short hair, and dressed in 19th-century attire, looking forward.

Photography turned 200 years old today, September 16, according to French photography publication Réponses Photo.

In its latest issue, number 373, the longtime magazine marked photography’s 200th birthday. There are a lot of candles on that bicentennial birthday cake. The obvious first question to ask is, “Why today? Why this year?”

There’s a lot of disagreement about the exact time photography was invented, a topic Réponses Photo tackled last summer.

“But why this date of 1824 precisely? To do this, we must go back in time, now more than two centuries ago, and focus on the life of Nicéphore Niépce. A brilliant engineer, he was born in the middle of the Age of Enlightenment in Chalon-sur-Saône, the epicenter of the birth of photography,” Réponses Photo writes in a translated article.

A portrait of an older man with a receding hairline and somber expression, dressed in early 19th-century fashion. He wears a dark coat and a white cravat. The background is plain and dark, drawing focus to his thoughtful facial features.
Portrait of Nicéphore Niépce

In 1816, Niépce resumed late 18th-century experiments on capturing light to create an image. Contemporaneously, others were hard at work on the same thing — including English scientist John Herschel, who would eventually create the cyanotype in the early 1840s. Herschel is also credited for the creation of the word “photography.” For his part, Niépce instead went with “heliography,” which is “writing with the Sun.”

More importantly, over the proceeding years, Niépce made progress on his experiments, testing different equipment and chemicals, finally cracking the code on September 16, 1824.

In a letter to his brother, Nicéphore described his first successful photograph, although that’s not the word he used.

“With the help of the improvement of my processes, I have managed to obtain a point of view such as I could desire, and which I hardly dared to flatter myself with, because until then, I had only had very incomplete results. This point of view was taken from your room on the Gras side […] The image of the objects is represented there with astonishing clarity and fidelity, down to the smallest details, and with their most delicate nuances,” Nicéphore wrote.

An abstract, nearly monochromatic image with a predominantly gray tone. It appears to have scratch marks, faded areas, and a textured surface, possibly metallic. The upper corners are slightly darker, and the center is somewhat lighter, giving a vague sense of depth.
The original photograph, “View from the Window at Le Gras,” captured in 1826 or 1827 by Nicéphore Niepce. It is, for now, the oldest known surviving photograph. | CC BY-SA 4.0.

September 16, 1824, was a momentous day, to be sure. Beyond it being the day photography was born, it was also the day Louis XVIII of France died — the last French monarch to die in reign.

Although this first photo no longer exists, according to one of the inventor’s descendants, some historians still hope to find one of the engineer’s earliest photographs, perhaps in a French attic. It wouldn’t be the first time a significant historical artifact was discovered after a long time in hiding somewhere.

If Niépce captured the first photograph in September 1824, why do some people photography’s bicentennial is still a few years away?

A photo taken through a foggy, dirty window, showcasing an outdoor scene. The view includes blurred, dark shapes of buildings on either side and a clear patch of green foliage in the center, under a bright sky.
A colorized version of the photograph, “View from the Window at Le Gras.” | CC BY-SA 4.0.

In large part, it’s because that first referenced image was not preserved. Niépce recorded early photographs to stone and then sanded them down to reuse them. The earliest surviving photograph is Niépce’s View from the Window at Le Gras, created in 1826 or 1827. This original photograph was found in 1952 and has been on display at the University of Texas at Austin almost continuously since 1963. It has occasionally made its way on the road for special exhibitions.

However, conflating the oldest surviving photograph with the first photograph is a mistake, per some experts, including Bernard Perrine, former editor-in-chief of Le Photographe, Pierre-Yves Mahé, director of the Spéos school, and Manuel Bonnet, a direct descendent of Niépce himself.

Mahé hopes to find a photo earlier than View from the Window at Le Gras, but even without it, he is confident that today is photography’s 200th birthday.

https://petapixel.com/2024/09/16/photography-turns-200-years-old-today

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“That’s the new law. The one where you can lose everything” – The section 60 police powers to evict Traveller roadside camps – two years on

12 September 2024

“That’s the new law. The one where you can lose everything” – the new anti-travelling law two years on

Two years after the new anti-Traveller laws came into force, many Gypsies and Travellers; who still go out travelling and who regularly camp ‘roadside’ with their trailers, are increasingly fearful of travelling because they are worried about losing their homes – say researchers who have been speaking to Travellers in West Yorkshire.

The Narrow Margins research project is based at Birmingham University and has been studying the effects of the increasing criminalisation of trespass on both Gypsies and Travellers – and also on homeless people – and how land use is regulated specifically to further marginalise these groups. Supported by Leeds GATE, as part of their research, they have been interviewing Travellers both living on Traveller sites and living roadside in West Yorkshire.

Part of the increasing criminalisation of trespass that specifically affects Travellers in England and Wales, is the new ‘anti-travelling law’, which are the new police powers contained and described in section 60 of the the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994, which came into force through amendments contained in the Police Act in June 2022.

Under the new law, a criminal offence is triggered once a ‘section 60C’ notice is served on a group of Travellers on an unauthorised or ‘roadside’ camp and they then refuse to – or can’t – leave. The criminal offence is punishable by six months in prison, and/or a £2,500 fine and/or the impounding and confiscation of vehicles and trailers. However, the police can only use section 60C, official guidance says, if they believe that the camp has caused, or will be likely to cause, significant damage, disruption, destruction, or distress.

The Travellers’ Times can also reveal that despite parts of the new anti-travelling law being found unlawful and in breach of human rights laws, by a High Court Judge earlier this year, police forces across England are continuing to use the law to evict Traveller camps – and in at least one case the Travellers’ Times came across – to also seize Traveller’s homes.

Fear and misinformation about the new law is common among the Travellers they spoke to, say researchers, and this is what is known as the ‘chilling effect’, which means that the threat of the law is stopping people from travelling and stopping roadside, even though not many arrests or seizures of vehicles were made by police using section 60C in the first travelling season after the law came in to force. In most cases where section 60C was used, the Travellers’ Times revealed in July 2023, the Travellers moved on when directed to – and no arrests or seizures of property were made. Yet the chilling effect is pernicious and is deterring Travellers from travelling, say the Narrow Margins researchers.

“There’s not enough sites, not enough sites to fit people on,” one former roadside Traveller told the Narrow Margins researchers. “There’s not even enough transit sites,” the Traveller added. “and with the new Police Act that’s come out, you can’t travel, so you’re basically stuck there. We’ re just rotting away on that site.”

This chilling effect is in danger of disrupting the Gypsy and Traveller way of life, as many still regularly travel. Some are on the road permanently; some are out for the late spring and summer months, often escaping crowded permanent Traveller sites, or winter only bits of land that they own but which do not have residential planning permission, and some Travellers hook up their trailers to escape bricks and mortar housing for the travelling season. Many Gypsies and Travellers will travel for work; to visit extended family in different parts of the UK or Ireland, often attending big family events like weddings and funerals; and also for the freedom that a life on the road can bring.

Gypsies and Travellers also travel to visit cultural events like fairs and horse fairs, and some may even travel to attend the big Light and Life Pentecostal Christian gatherings that are becoming increasingly common. It is well established in UK law that Romany Gypsies and Travellers have a right to their ethnic heritage – and travelling is part of that. It is this way of life, practised in some families for generations, that is seen as under threat by many Gypsies and Travellers.

“Last year, we’re not allowed to stay roadside anymore, and if you do, you get your caravan taken off you, and you might be going to get fines or get locked up,” one Traveller told the Narrow Margin researchers. “Obviously, that’s what made my dad get his yard — because he wasn’t allowed his yard — it wasn’t for living on,” they added. “But because this law came out, and Gypsies and Travellers weren’t allowed to live roadside, we had to live on there. He said he’s got nowhere to go.”

“Some people did say the police act is the final nail in the coffin (for travelling),” Narrow Margins researcher Isabella Pojuner told the Travellers’ Times. “They might say ‘this is the end of the Gypsies and Travellers way of life, but in the same interview they might also say, ‘but I’m still travelling roadside’, or, ‘I have hope that in the future, future generations will be able to,’” added Pojuner.

“A lot of people expressed that they want to continue travelling roadside, or they’d like to start again because it’s part of their identity. It’s synonymous with, for some – a lot of people – it’s synonymous with being a Gypsy or a Traveller. Even if that means breaking the law in some cases, there’s that defiance and resistance to the law.”

The chilling effect is compounded by the police often not telling Travellers which powers they are using to move them on, and because many Travellers have a culture of just shifting on when confronted by the authorities, as they see challenging evictions through the courts as a “futile exercise,” say the Narrow Margin researchers.

“(The Travellers) knowledge of the law varied quite widely,” says Pojuner. “Some people recognized section 60C, and all the other different sections and different provisions, and some people didn’t, and some people just spoke about how they were just moved on (by the authorities) who didn’t cite the law at all, which is of concern,” adds Pojuner.

“The way that the new laws are used – or not used – varies across England and Wales, which also compounds the chilling effect, even in areas where the local police force isn’t using the new law – or only using it in exceptional circumstances as a last resort.”

This is backed up by an investigation using freedom of information laws undertaken by Jake Bowers for Drive 2 Survive, a Romany Gypsy-led campaign group originally set up specifically to challenge the new anti-Travelling laws.

Bowers found that, in total, the new powers to evict and seize caravans parked on land without permission were used just 33 times in the first nine months from the date that they had come into force in June 2022. The investigation also revealed that large parts of the country from Wales to Durham and to Suffolk have not used the new powers at all, but one force alone – Thames Valley Police – used the powers a staggering 19 times.

Of the 43 forces surveyed 20 responded with information about the use of the new powers and 10 forces did not respond at all despite being legally required to do so within 20 days. Six forces said they held no information at all about the use of the new powers, while seven forces refused to respond saying it would take them too long to gather the information without charging a £450 fee.

“West Yorkshire Police, for example, have designed their own policy that says that the enforcement of the Police Act can’t be done unless it’s (taken) with the decision of a senior police officer,” says Pojuner.

“The police around Yorkshire, and the council, are more understanding (towards roadside Travellers) than other parts of the country,” says Pojuner, adding that for example, Leeds City Council will drop toilets, more than likely a skip, and bring black bags down for rubbish and Travellers always get at least a week.

“However, what it doesn’t do is reduce the fear and the chilling effect that communities experience knowing that those powers are available to be used (because) even though the police forces can take these different stances, what it doesn’t do is necessarily take away from the chilling effect of these police powers, (because) if you’re traveling across the country, it could be really unclear which jurisdiction you’re in.”

One Traveller confirmed this with the Narrow Margins researchers, telling them that some were different than others. “In Brighton they had a force that would use it, they’d give you an hour to be gone,” the Traveller told the researchers. “If yous weren’t gone, a couple of trucks were waiting at the gate to remove your stuff.”

The new powers lasted just over 18 months before they were partly successfully challenged in the High Court in January earlier this year by Wendy Smith, A Romany Gypsy, and her lawyers. Friends, Families and Travellers (FFT) and Liberty were also involved in the case, and the Narrow Margins researchers provided evidence of the chilling effect to FFT, who presented it to the court. The judgement, which was made public two months ago in May, declared that parts of the new police powers; in particular the no return within 12 months or face arrest clause, were incompatible with the European Convention on Human Rights – which the UK is signed up to – and therefore amounted to unlawful discrimination. The judgement also recognised the ‘chilling effect’, with the judgement stating:

“The Claimant contended that the provisions had a “chilling effect” – i.e. the existence of section 60C and 60D would serve to dissuade Gypsies from stopping from place to place, as is their custom. There is some support for this in the evidence on the use of the new powers so far. An article in the Travellers’ Times of 18 July 2023 refers to the police using the new provisions to encourage Gypsies to move on, without actually resorting to the use of the power to arrest or the power to seize property. Further, research published in August 2023 by academics at Birmingham City University is to the effect that the possibility of arrest under section 60C has resulted in Gypsies stopping at unauthorised encampments for shorter periods and moving more frequently.”

Yet the Travellers’ Times can reveal that police forces across England are still using the new powers. Our recent search of local media reports shows that section 60C has been used at least six times in the last five months to evict camps in Bristol, Nantwich and Leamington Spa, among others. And that’s just section 60C, because it’s important to note that the previously existing police powers of sections 61 and 62 – which police forces are continuing to use – now also contain the unlawful discrimination of the ‘no return with 12 months’ clause, thanks to the amendments in the Police Act.

We asked Pojuner what could be done about the chilling effect and the new anti-Travelling law in general.

“What we’d like to see (under the new Government) is those (unlawful) provisions being either amended through a remedial order or new legislation replaces them,” answered Pojuner. “It’s not usually normal for those things to be repealed, though we’re hoping that we can brief the government to repeal those provisions because we consider them wasteful.”

Pojuner also pointed out that the National Police Chiefs Council said in a consultation response that they did not want the new anti-Travelling law, adding that they already had enough powers to deal with ‘unauthorised camps’.

“After we’ve received the High Court decision that says that these new powers are incompatible with the European Convention of Human Rights, we can hope that a new Labour government will listen to that and respond to what The High Court has done because (the new Government) acknowledge the importance of the European Convention of Human Rights,” says Pojuner. “And here, (Prime Minister) Starmer himself, being a lawyer, should be more inclined to, to protect human rights and recognize those human rights. So, by speaking to the new Labour Government, we’ve got more chances of building on this decision.”

The Travellers’ Times approached the government for comment and asked them why a law that has been found to be discriminatory and unlawful was still being used, and when were they going to bring it back to Parliament to be fixed.

In a statement released to the Travellers’ Times, a government spokesperson said:

“The government fully acknowledges the High Court’s decision. As with all decisions of this nature, we will be taking the time to consider the ruling and determine the most appropriate next steps.”

The government acknowledging the High Court decision and taking time to decide what to do about, is probably the tiniest of possible steps forward towards at best repealing the new law – and at worst only reverting the unlawful ’12 month no return’ clause back to the previous (lawful) time frame of no return in three months. Either way, until amending the unlawful Police Act reaches the top of the new government’s ‘to do’ list, the chilling effect will continue.

In the meantime, the best advice that we can give to Travellers that are facing eviction by the police is to ask them which police powers they are using.

If it’s section 60 that they are using to evict you, then ask the police what makes them believe that the camp is causing – or is likely to cause – significant damage, disruption, destruction, or distress, because – in theory anyway – that’s the only time the police should use those draconian new powers.

And as to the chilling effect? Remember that the Police can’t just wade in and seize your homes and your vehicles under section 60. They have to ask you to leave first and the criminal offence is only then triggered if you don’t. 

TT News

https://www.travellerstimes.org.uk/features/thats-new-law-one-where-you-can-lose-everything-section-60-police-powers-evict-traveller

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