Senior officers ordered ‘unlawful’ arrests of journalists at Just Stop Oil protests

Review finds arrests of four journalists covering climate protests last month were directed by senior officers

Police closing the M25 during a Just Stop Oil protest.
Four journalists were arrested during the Just Stop Oil protest, which saw protesters climb gantries above the M25 motorway. Photograph: Just Stop Oil/PA

Damien Gayle

@damiengayleWed 23 Nov 2022 18.34 GMT

Senior police officers ordered the potentially unlawful arrests of four journalists detained while covering climate protests on the M25, a review has found.

The review makes clear that the arrests of the LBC reporter Charlotte Lynch, the press photographer Tom Bowles, the film-maker Rich Felgate and one other person who has not been named were not simply an overreaction or a mistake by police officers on the ground.

Their arrests were instead directed by more senior officers at Hertfordshire constabulary, who had formulated a policing plan that failed to take into account the likelihood that journalists may be on the scene, the review said.

“Police powers were not used appropriately,” said the review, carried out at the request of Hertfordshire constabulary after accusations that the arrests this month were a threat to press freedom.

“The review team believed that the bronze [policing] plan almost exclusively endorsed arrest as the only intervention available to officers,” it added. “This approach did not differentiate between people and did not consider the balance of rights.”

Furthermore, it said, “there is evidence to suggest the potential for the arrests to amount to an ‘unlawful interference’ with the individuals’ freedom of expression under article 10” of the European convention on human rights.

The review comes two weeks after questions were raised in parliament and a spokesperson for the prime minister expressed his unease at the arrests of journalists on the scene as supporters of Just Stop Oil climbed gantries over the M25.

All four journalists were arrested on suspicion of conspiracy to cause a public nuisance in relation to the protests, despite their having been challenged by police while on a public footpath and all showing officers valid press IDs.

The review, by the chief superintendent of Cambridgeshire constabulary, John Hutchinson, noted that officers on the ground cannot exercise their powers of arrest simply on the say so of a senior officer, unless the superior has conveyed “sufficient information in order for the arresting officer to develop reasonable grounds”.

The review said: “The evidence in this case indicates officers were directed to arrest and did not develop sufficient grounds prior to exercising their power.

“Having reviewed the evidence and the information available to the officers at the time, there seems to be a disconnect as to how they arrived at the outcome they did. The interactions of officers suggest that arrest was the likely outcome regardless of the information obtained.”

Despite the widespread coverage of Just Stop Oil across the media, Hertfordshire constabulary’s plans for the M25 protests had failed to take into account the possibility that journalists would be on the scene.

“It was believed that officers had a lack of understanding as to the role of the media and how they operate,” the review said. “The Just Stop Oil activity spanned at least four other police forces, none of whom arrested members of the press.”

Kevin Blowe, a campaigns coordinator at Netpol, said he was not surprised that the arrests had been ordered by senior officers. He said Hertfordshire constabulary’s actions fit a template where police forces’ approach was to “disregard people’s rights to protest … and to deal with any fallout later”.

The review showed the actions of frontline and senior officers were potentially unlawful, Blowe said. “Yet nobody is individually accountable for what amounts to false imprisonment and that just leaves a civil action, which the police will settle in a couple of years’ time without admitting liability,” he said.

“Basic questions about how to protect the right to protest and the rights of those who monitor and report on demonstrations are rarely asked. All the police are interested in is what is convenient for them.”

The chief constable of Hertfordshire constabulary has written to the wrongly detained journalists saying he is “truly sorry” for his officers’ actions. He wrote: “While policing public order incidents is fraught with difficulty and there was no malicious intent from my officers, on this occasion we clearly got things wrong.”

Jun Pang, a policy and campaigns officer at Liberty, said: “A free, independent press is a vital part of a functioning democracy and should not be interfered with. The actions of Hertfordshire police arresting journalists covering protests was a dangerous overreach – indeed, this report acknowledges that ‘police powers were not used appropriately’.

“But these recent arrests of both journalists and protesters must be placed within the wider context – they have been enabled and encouraged by a government that keeps handing out sweeping powers to the police, creating a hostile environment for protesters and an increasingly dangerous working environment for journalists.”

https://www.theguardian.com/media/2022/nov/23/senior-officers-ordered-unlawful-arrests-of-journalists-at-just-stop-oil-protests

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Just Stop Oil: Filmmaker and photographer arrested while covering protest

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NUJ signs joint letter to Home Secretary after police arrests of journalists

  • 12 Nov 2022

Ten organisations have highlighted the chilling effect of arrests on freedom of expression and urged Suella Braverman to reconsider plans under the Public Order Bill.

Following the wrongful arrests of three journalists for “suspicion of conspiracy to commit a public nuisance”, the National Union of Journalists has raised concerns over the arrests by Hertfordshire constabulary with the Home Secretary.

The union has also joined others in calling on her to commission an independent review into the public nuisance offence, and reconsider plans under the Public Order Bill.

The letter to the Home Secretary:

Dear Secretary of State,

We are writing to you to express concern at the policing of journalists at Just Stop Oil protests that took place on Tuesday 8 November.

As has been reported in the media, three journalists covering the demonstrations, including a reporter from LBC, were arrested by officers from Hertfordshire Constabulary under suspicion of “conspiracy to commit a public nuisance”.

Whilst we understand that no further action has been taken against the journalists in question, it is clear that the officers making these arrests knew that the individuals were journalists. In a statement referring specifically to the journalists’ arrests, Hertfordshire police said:

“Seven people were arrested yesterday. Of these seven, two were subsequently charged and two were released on police bail with conditions. Three of them were released with no further action following extensive enquiries.

Though as a matter of course we do not comment on the circumstances surrounding individual arrests, these circumstances did give us grounds to hold them in custody for questioning in order to verify their credentials and progress our investigation.”

These arrests threaten press freedom in the UK. Journalistic ethics require journalists to protect their sources. Arresting journalists for simply attending a demonstration is unjustifiable, unlawful, and highly likely to be a breach of Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights as incorporated into domestic law by the Human Rights Act 1998. Preventing or deterring journalists from reporting on issues of public interest such as environmental protests – will furthermore create a chilling effect for freedom of expression and access to information.

The offence of intentionally or recklessly causing public nuisance was placed on a statutory footing by the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act 2022. The offence was criticised by Big Brother Watch, Liberty and others during the passage of the legislation through Parliament for being too broad in scope and unduly limiting a wide range of democratic activities.

The offence criminalises any act or omission that causes, amongst other things “distress”, “annoyance”, or “inconvenience” but also the risk of someone feeling those things. The arrests of journalists this week regrettably evidence our concern that this power is dangerously broad and poses a threat to British democracy and respect for fundamental human rights.

In light of these events and in the context of creating additional police powers to restrict the right to protest, we call on you to commission an independent review into the new public nuisance offence and both pause and reconsider plans to curtail individuals’ right to freedom of expression through the Public Order Bill, which will disproportionately affect communities for whom this right is most urgent. A copy of this letter has also been sent to the Chief Constable for Hertfordshire Constabulary and the Secretary of State for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport.

Signatories:

Mark Johnson, Big Brother Watch

Sam Grant, Liberty

Kevin Blowe, Netpol

Tom Brake, Unlock Democracy

Sacha Deshmukh, Amnesty International UK

 Griff Ferris, Fair Trials

Daniel Gorman, English Pen

Azzurra Moores, RSF

Fiona Rutherford, JUSTICE

Ruth Smeeth, Index on Censorship

Michelle Stanistreet, NUJ

https://www.nuj.org.uk/resource/nuj-signs-joint-letter-to-the-home-secretary-over-police-arrests-of-journalists.html

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Free Party. A Retrospective. Party party

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Free Party, A Retrospective. Film and Panel discussion at Lost Horizon, Bristol

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Police chiefs shift on protest guidance a partial success, but still a missed opportunity

May 26, 2022 | Protest | 0 comments

London – May 31 2020: Black Lives Matter protesters march from Trafalgar Square to US Embassy for George Floyd. PHOTO: Ben Thornley / Shutterstock
Netpol’s campaign for greater certainty about the way demonstrations are policed has brought some success, but big gaps remain.

Over two and a half years since it completed a public consultation, the National Police Chiefs Council (NPCC) finally, in April, published the first full version of its new guidance on the policing of demonstrations and public assemblies. This has emerged only because of a Freedom of Information request by our partners at the Article 11 Trust.

Netpol welcomes some of the changes made since the NPCC held its consultation in 2019, which reflects the sustained pressure we have placed on the national body for senior officers and our call for greater clarity about the policing of protests. We have been working on this issue for nearly seven years, ever since the NPCC’s first attempt at offering protest guidance was released way back in August 2015.

Material risk’

The previous 2019 version of the NPCC document – known as Protest Operational Advice – was in our view fundamentally misguided. It sought to reinforce the idea that the police “balance” the rights of protesters and of others by drawing heavily on Article 17 of the European Convention on Human Rights – the “abuse clause” concerned with matters such as hate crime and the destruction of rights by totalitarian regimes. This is intended to prevent the exploitation of different rights set out in the Convention for states’ and individuals’ own interests.

There is no legal basis for using it to restrict the rights to free speech and public assembly and as we pointed out in a detailed submission, this was simply wrong in law.

Thankfully, the new version of the NPCC guidance does finally recognise that Article 17 rarely has any relevance whatsoever to protests and that “even where [freedom of] speech is undoubtedly encouraging hatred based on race, religion or ethnicity, the threshold for invoking Article 17 is very high”.

The HM Inspectorate of Constabulary, Fire & Rescue Services seems to have agreed with us on the NPCC’s misunderstanding of human rights law. In March 2021, its thematic review on “how effectively the police deal with protests” said [page 46] that it found:

problems with the document, particularly concerning some of its legal explanations. This could pose a material risk of commanders failing to fulfil their obligations under human rights law.”

It was this continued risk to protesters that led Netpol to create the Charter for Freedom of Assembly Rights, launched in March last year with the support of over fifty organisations and backed by a petition signed by tens of thousands of people.

Protest Operational Advice

“a benchmark for measuring – and challenging – whether… police forces actually understand and respect the need to both facilitate and protect human rights”.

New benchmarks for campaigners

The authors of the NPCC’s new Protest Operational Advice have obviously listened to human rights experts (including the submission from the Netpol Lawyers Group) and have attempted to address many of the legal inaccuracies in the previous version.

As well as now comprehensively setting out the current case law, this includes a number of particular pieces of advice for local operational commanders that protest organisers and participants can use as a benchmark for measuring – and challenging – whether their police forces actually understand and respect the need to both facilitate and protect human rights.

For example, the guidance makes it clear that rather than make disproportionate blanket presumptions, police officers must remember that:

A peaceful protestor does not cease to enjoy the right to freedom of peaceful assembly as a result of sporadic violence by others in the course of the demonstration… In principle, it is the actions and intentions of the individual seeking to protest that are relevant.

The guidelines tell police that they must not treat everyone participating in a protest or within a social or political movement as collectively culpable for isolated actions that may lead to arrests.

On police conduct, the following advice on excessive force may also serve as a useful measure for campaigners attending protests or monitoring police behaviour in the future:

It is appropriate to emphasise the great importance of ensuring that unnecessary or disproportionate force is avoided when dealing with public protest.

There is an expectation that police officers will not act towards protestors in a way that is unnecessarily aggressive, intimidating, or degrading… Just as with the use of force, unnecessarily confrontational behaviour may have a chilling effect on those who experience, are witness to or learn of such behaviour.

A more detailed comparison of what our Charter for Freedom of Assembly Rights recommends and the closest approximation to it in the Protest Operational Advice is available here.

Significant problems remain

However, significant issues have still not been addressed. There is, for example, no guidance at all about the controversial use of containment or kettling. The failure to recognise that independent legal observers are not participants in a demonstration but human rights defenders is disappointing and open to a potential legal challenge.

There is little recognition, either, that vulnerable protesters, including children, have a right to freedom of assembly that does not disappear because of ‘safeguarding concerns’. Instead, the guidance adopts a paternalistic attitude that any risk they might face comes from other protesters, rather than decisions made by the police themselves.

As the NPCC is currently promoting its new Race Action Plan, there is also surprisingly nothing about preventing the disproportionate targeting of protesters based on race, which was a particular criticism made by Black Lives Matter demonstrators in 2020.

Neither is there any advice on any other protected characteristics, or situations where a protest actively supports the rights of those most at risk of discrimination.

Amid the numerous case law examples cited, the guidance fails to mention Berkman v Russia, arising from a St Petersburg LGBTQ protest, that says [a] positive obligation is of particular importance for persons holding unpopular views or belonging to minorities, because they are more vulnerable to victimisation” (1/12/20, para 46).

Pressure for ‘dialogue’

The new guidance also continues to suggest, wrongly in our view, that protesters’ expectations of the police facilitating their demonstration “may well be reduced if… an opportunity to open dialogue with the police well in advance of a protest event… was not taken”.

Worse still, the guidance implies that pressure to establish communication with an individual or group” is far more about bolstering the case for the “necessity and/or proportionality of subsequent intrusive policing tactics” than about protecting human rights.

It is wrong to link the choices campaigners make to engage in dialogue with the way police decide to facilitate a protest, or “the extent of any necessary restrictions”. This is incompatible with international human rights guidance, for example the Venice Commission in 2020 stated that:

if organizers or participants are unwilling to engage, then this should be accepted and should not, of itself, impact detrimentally on the performance of the state’s human rights obligations in relation to the assembly. Where voluntary dialogue is not possible, the relevant law enforcement bodies must still ensure that their actions are aimed at de-escalating tensions”.

The guidance accepts that “some protest groups have been mistrustful of the police and this has made communication between police and these protestors challenging” but continues to cling to the idea that Police Liaison Teams – intelligence gatherers – have “gone some way to address this”. This is not just untrue – it is almost wilfully delusional.

No consideration of the impact of surveillance

Overall, the NPCC still seems completely unable to see a protest as part of an ongoing political process, rather than a single event.

In 2019 during the NPCC’s consultation, we raised how campaigners’ organisational capacity in advance of a demonstration and behind the scenes are influenced by policing decisions, especially (but not limited to) surveillance.

The Protest Operational Advice says “it should not be assumed that any pro-active gathering of information… will always be regarded as necessary to meet the pressing social need to protect public safety, prevent disorder or crime, or safeguard the rights and freedoms of others”.

However, it also suggests that police should “educate themselves regarding the individuals, groups, and groups within groups” at a protest and places considerable emphasis on treating protests as a ‘threat’ that warrants extensive surveillance activities.

The guidance says, somewhat bizarrely, that in doing so, “attempts should be made to counter any perception that the police are seeking information in advance in order to undermine protest”.

In our view, it is not simply the ‘perception’ that matters as much as actual decisions that undermine the capacity to exercise rights to protests: for example, raids on meeting spaces or buildings associated with a particular campaign, which are used as convenient intelligence-gathering opportunities.

Practical alternative’

The Protest Operational Advice does represent a small step forward. But after years of lobbying, it is far from the kind of clear, accessible benchmark that Netpol and other campaigners have been calling for.

It will undoubtedly help campaigners to know that official guidance now insists police must recognise that “significant weight is attached to an individual’s right to protest in a democratic society”.

The NPCC now also publicly accepts that protests against branches of the state – including, as in Hackney recently, against the police themselves – are of “even greater importance, as this is a fundamental feature, essential in a democratic society”.

However, with a government deeply antagonistic towards anything other than the mildest of protest and a range of new anti-protest laws either enacted or on the way, Netpol will continue to offer the Charter for Freedom of Assembly Rights as a practical alternative to what remains inadequate guidelines.

We will also persist in pressing the National Police Chiefs Council to provide much greater transparency and accountability about the way that protests are policed.

https://netpol.org/2022/05/26/police-chiefs-shift-on-protest-guidance/
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National Police Chiefs’ Council (NPCC) Protest Operational Advice Document. Version 3.3 (April 2022)

Over two and a half years since it completed a public consultation, the National Police Chiefs Council (NPCC) finally, in April, published the first full version of its new guidance on the policing of demonstrations and public assemblies. This has emerged only because of a Freedom of Information request.

https://netpol.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/NPCC-Protest-Operational-Advice-Version-3.3-final-April-2022.pdf

This quote from Page 32   is quite encouraging [mostly]:

Journalists and Legal Observers

The media has a crucial role in providing information on the authorities’ handling of public protest and the containment of disorder. The police should ensure that they do not interfere unnecessarily with journalists doing their work, even if inadvertently.

In Pentikäinen v Finland a journalist was arrested following his refusal to comply with lawful and reasonable orders given by police during a protest. The ECtHR found that the importance of the “watchdog” role of the media meant that any attempt to remove journalists from the scene of a public protest must be subject to strict scrutiny.

However, on the facts, his arrest did amount to a breach of his Article 10 rights. The police had not sought to prevent him from reporting from the scene of the protest, and he was arrested only because he had failed to comply with police orders, rather than because of his status as a journalist. His status as a journalist did not exempt him from his obligation to comply with the order.

Although journalists attending at the scene of a protest do not have any specific legal status or immunity, once a person has been identified as a journalist, in many cases it will be unnecessary to impose the same conditions /restrictions on them as on protestors, such as allowing movement through cordons where it is safe to do so. Any unnecessary restrictions placed on a person who is identifiable as a journalist will interfere in their Article 10 rights.”

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Stand with Ukraine… 3 months on. Protest in Nottingham

Stand with Ukraine… 3 months on. Protest in Market Square, Nottingham

Speeches:

Diana Peasey, National Union of Journalists

Hong Kong stands with Ukraine

Samsung S10 4K Video 3840 x2160

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“It’s never too far” : The inside story of Castlemorton – History’s most infamous rave

Read an excerpt from DiY founder Harry Harrison’s new book, Dreaming in Yellow: The story of DiY Soundsystem

  • WORDS BY: HARRY HARRISON | EDITED BY: GEMMA ROSS |
  • PHOTOS BY: ALAN LODGE
  • 7 MARCH 2022

Never has there been a more turbulent time in UK politics than in the 1980s. Through a new era of young ravers discovering evolving variations of electronic music, political restraints tightening, and an allure to join a growing counterculture, the coming-of-age put all their efforts into free parties. In the final ten year lead-up to the new millennium, youth rebellion grew stronger and soundsystem culture was created. DiY was one of the first house-focused soundsystems in the UK finding its feet in the Midlands, and once it lifted off, brought a fanbase bigger than they could have ever imagined. DiY by name, DiY by nature, the collective grew immeasurable amounts finding its way overseas to a peak-era Ibiza where the parties continued, this time legally, and developed international fans.

By May of 1992, DiY Soundsystem reached its most lawless and revolutionary peak. One of the most infamous free parties of all time, Castlemorton Common Festival, took place with the help of the DiY collective inspiring the legislation of 1994’s Criminal Justice and Public Order Act. The historic event signalled a change in these seminal beginnings, and the counterculture now faced backlash as a result of Castlemorton, the biggest and most hedonistic free party in UK history. DiY founder Harry Harrison has now documented the story of the soundsystem’s anarchic beginnings in a new book, Dreaming in Yellow: The story of DiY Soundsystem, due for release on March 23 via Velocity Press. Read an excerpt set around the collectives epic rave at Castlemorton below.

It’s late evening on Friday, May 22, 1992. My oldest friend and I had walked slowly, disbelievingly, up the small hill and were now sitting on the grass, pleasingly cool after the heat of the gloriously radiant spring day. Silently we looked out across at what had been, until a few short hours ago, a peaceful and forgotten corner of middle England. Now, in the settling, liminal dusk it resembled some giant military operation or perhaps a huge, dark creature with endless rows of bright white eyes. In every direction, visible from our vantage point, luminous streams of headlights flowed along the entry tracks and the roads stretching into the distance. Who knew how many vehicles were arriving; certainly several thousand cars, vans, trucks, buses and horseboxes were pouring onto this enormous common laid out below us containing unknown numbers of ebullient revellers. Twenty-four hours earlier we had never heard of this place. Castlemorton had just been another name on the map, another quintessentially sleepy English shire, certainly not the sort of place where history is made.

On that portentous night, Pete was two days shy of his twenty-seventh birthday, I was eighteen months to the day younger. It had been ten or so years since we had met at an underage drinking establishment in Bolton and had been through innumerable existential rites of passage together during the intervening, tumultuous decade. With others, we had been founding members of a music collective that had grown exponentially in tandem with the explosion of dance music and had, beyond our wildest expectations, succeeded in uniting our twin passions of music and protest into a remarkable, cohesive alliance.

Read this next: “We were young, restless and skint”: Smokescreen Soundsystem celebrates 30 years

Pete had introduced me to Crass, the seminal anarcho-punk band and in their brilliant pamphlet ‘Mindless Shocking Slogans and Token Tantrums’, they quoted Wally Hope as declaring:

“Our temple is sound, we fight our battles with music, drums like thunder, cymbals like lightning, banks of electronic equipment like nuclear missiles of sound. We have guitars instead of tommy-guns”.

Only we had replaced guitars with acid house. Seemingly out of nowhere, house music had shown every possibility of providing the perfect weapon with which to dismantle, in some small but meaningful way, the anodyne and monotonous world which we had grown up in and largely rejected. From small parties around inner-city Nottingham in the summer of 1989 onwards, our collective, known as DiY, had tried to use the irresistible power of these new electronic sounds as a musical weapon to challenge convention; to attempt to unite people beneath a banner of liberation and pleasure. And now here we were, witnessing the effects that the actions of our group, and those of many more, had catalysed into this huge free festival.

Various soundsystems, including our own, were transmitting their rhythmic pulses across this darkening common, mingling with shouts of joy, recognition and exhilaration. This looked, smelled and sounded like revolution; a righteous revolution against the entrenched and heartless establishment which had been quietly and ruthlessly running England for centuries. We had intended to shock, we had intended to challenge and now the sheer scale of this revolution had become clear; magnificent yet terrifying, ranged endlessly below us, looking as if for once we were winning.

Read this next: How classic cars and soundsystems connect Southall residents to their Indian roots

The first free festivals we had attended many years before had been small, myopic and backwards-looking affairs, culturally and musically outdated, but now we had arrived at this – a whole generation seemingly drawn to these relentless beats and their concomitant clarion call to social action. I turned to Pete, sitting next to me on the grass and voiced my fears, saying:

“You know what, I think we might have pushed this too far.”

To which Pete, looking out over the great chaos below, just replied, quietly:

“It’s never too far.”

Dreaming in Yellow: The story of DiY Soundsystem, written by Harry Harrison, is out on March 23 via Velocity Press. Find out more about it here.

Gemma Ross is Mixmag’s Editorial Assistant, follow her on Twitter

https://mixmag.net/feature/diy-soundsystem-dreaming-in-yellow-extract-book-free-party-castlemorton

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The 1992 gathering led to a wave of controversial legislation targeting free parties, Roma and New Age travellers.

  • 'It's like the Criminal Justice Act part two': How new UK protest laws echo the aftermath of seminal rave Castlemorton image
  • On the 30th anniversary of seminal UK rave Castlemorton, free party veterans have been drawing comparisons between the infamous Criminal Justice And Public Order Act 1994 (CJA) and new legislation targeting protests. From May 22nd through 29th, 1992, tens of thousands of people descended on Castlemorton Common in Worcestershire, England, for a rave that became the perfect pretext to ban the UK’s free party and festival movement. Harry Harrison, cofounder of the crew DiY, was preparing to leave for Castlemorton as the footage hit the news. “It was the biggest single advert for a free party ever, telling young people, ‘do not come to this massive rave in Castlemorton,'” he told Resident Advisor. Around the same time, a 14-year-old house music fanatic was standing on a roadside with his best friend, trying to hitch a lift to Castlemorton after reading about it in the newspapers. They didn’t make it. That teenager was Gideon Berger, a DJ and cofounder of rave-inspired art company Block9, renowned for its installations at Glastonbury Festival. Triggering a moral panic, Castlemorton inspired the government to pass the infamous CJA, which gave the police the power to ban outdoor gatherings with music “wholly or predominantly characterised by the emission of a succession of repetitive beats.” They could also seize musical equipment, evict Roma and take intimate bodily samples such as blood and urine. In response to the CJA, countless sound systems and party crews—including Bedlam, LSD, Spiral Tribe, Circus Lunatics and DiY—fled to Europe and became part of a new diaspora. Berger spent his student loan on a rig, moved into a bus and disappeared into UK squat raves and teknivals in Europe. But Bedlam cofounder Steve “Bedlam” Stavrinides told RA that the legislation “wasn’t just about raves; but land usage.” This became apparent when he saw Roma and elderly ramblers queuing with ravers to protest the act at parliament. He said the privileged gentry wanted “commoners” off their land so they could “claim it as farmable and rinse the public purse for government subsidies.” Ravers and New Age travellers were being used as “a smokescreen to pass laws to stop Roma from existing,” added Stavrinidis. Today, he added, Home Secretary Priti Patel’s Police, Crime, Sentencing And Courts Act 2022 continues in the same vein. Harrison agreed: “They’re doing to protests what the CJA did to raving.” First introduced in 2021 and ratified earlier this year, the new and extensive act will give the police more power to curb static protests, such as those by environmental group Extinction Rebellion. The powers include setting noise limits, expanding stop-and-search laws and penalising anyone “intentionally or recklessly causing public nuisance.” The maximum penalty for protest-related offences is ten years in prison. Like the CJA, the 2022 bill also targets the Roma and Traveller communities, giving the police greater powers to disrupt, seize and fine people in what the government calls “unauthorised encampments.” The parallels between the 1994 and 2022 acts will be highlighted at this year’s Glastonbury Festival by free party veterans working in areas such as Block9, The Common, Shangri-La and The Unfairground. They’ll also pay homage to Castlemorton. For example, the decks at Block9’s Genosys stage will sit inside a ’70s Bedford coach, a vehicle popular with the free party community in the early ’90s. Filmmaker Aaron Trinder interviewed some of these veterans for his documentary Free Party: A Folk History, which is being screened at Bristol venue Lost Horizon this week. According to Trinder, the comparisons between the two pieces of legislation are clear. “It’s like CJA part two,” he told RA. “Even slogans like ‘Kill the Bill’—used at protests in ’94—re-appeared at recent demos.” But legislation banning outdoor raves wasn’t triggered by Castlemorton alone, Spiral Tribe (AKA SP23) cofounder Mark Angelo Harrison told RA. A litany of laws had been targeting Roma, New Age travellers and free festivals for at least a decade before. One of these was the 1986 Public Order Act, imposed after the Battle of The Beanfield when police stormed traveller vehicles and attacked pregnant women to stop them reaching Stonehenge Free Festival. This led to 537 arrests. There was no master plan behind Castlemorton, either. It happened because the police stopped a convoy of travellers heading to Avon Free Festival. This led to a swell of about 147 trucks, vans and lorries being diverted on the A38 road. According to Angelo Harrison, they were “forced” to stay on the road without stopping until Police Superintendent Clift allowed them onto Castlemorton Common to have their festival for “humanitarian reasons.” Photographer Alan “Tash” Lodge captured the moment Clift helped direct travellers onto the site. But when Spiral Tribe members tried to leave days later, they were arrested by plain-clothed police who “jumped” on their trucks, Angelo Harrison added. Clift refused to testify against Spiral Tribe and a two-year court case led to a not-guilty verdict. “At the committal hearing, Clift told me, ‘I just want you to know this has nothing to do with the police—you’re being politically stitched up,'” said Angelo Harrison. Despite the verdict, the judge was “purple with rage” at the Spiral Tribe members, who turned up to court in T-shirts with the words “Make Some Fuckin’ Noise” on the back. “He told us to take them off,” said Angelo Harrison. “The girls had nothing on underneath and he went an even deeper shade of purple, commanding we put them back on.” Bedlam and Spiral Tribe DJ Aztek escaped Castlemorton unscathed. “It was a coming together of free-thinking people making a stand for their rights,” he told RA. “But we’re shown now, just as we were then, that we’re not free—it’s a false economy.” Despite the CJA’s negative impact, something positive came from it, too. “It politicised people and inspired them to buy sound systems,” said Harrison. “Thanks to acid house, rigs became mobile and for the first time, parties and protests collided.” The spirit and experience of Castlemorton still lives on in the work and creative projects of many veterans. Harry Harrison wrote a book about DiY, Angelo Harrison is writing one about Spiral Tribe, and Stavrinidis, who helps run The Common at Glastonbury, cofounded Refugee Community Kitchen in Calais. “I reside between two worlds: hedonism at festivals and humanitarian aid,” said Stavrinidis. “There’s demanding artists [on] one side, trucks with supplies waiting days to reach Calais, [on] the other.” There’s also a new generation of free party people. Mobile sound systems such as Berger’s R3 Soundsystem (Revolt, Resist, Reject) have drawn thousands of young people to raves in protest of Brexit and Donald Trump. For Berger, the 2022 act is “a direct attack on the political fundamentals of dance music.” He added: “We need to ensure our music isn’t rendered impotent or depoliticised—this can’t happen because it was born from the struggle of Black and queer people.” But in light of tightened restrictions, what room have young people got left for activism and creativity today? How do they find new ways to party and protest like their ’90s predecessors? Resistance to the CJA “defined the politics of a generation and helped shape UK dance music,” said Berger. The current climate should be used as a springboard in the same way, he added. “It’s a call to action for today’s ravers.”
  • Listen to a mix by SP23’s Ixindamix celebrating 30 years since Castlemorton. Aztek has also compiled a playlist of Castlemorton classics. https://www.youtube.com/embed/videoseries?list=PLnZOad80R4nrqlCWpYLpPNki61cozO0G8 Bristol’s Lost Horizon is currently celebrating the free party movement with eight days of talks, films, parties and an exhibition. Find out more here. Photos: Alan “Tash” Lodge (Lead, Castlemorton, Superintendent Clift)
  • Spiral Tribe (Court hearing)
  • https://ra.co/news/77299

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30 years ago this week was a rave so chaotic that it shook Middle England to its core – DJMag TikTok

@simon.doherty

30 years ago this week was a rave so chaotic that it shook Middle England to its core #rave #house #techno #edm #simondoherty #history #sesh #afters #music

♬ original sound – Simon Doherty
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Tash on festivals, free party, rave, Castlemorton, Stonehenge, Beanfield etc etc … and so on…. DJ Mag

Castlemorton 1992: photographing the illegal rave that changed UK dance music forever

This week marks the 30th anniversary of the biggest and the most infamous illegal rave that ever took place: Castlemorton – a week-long, 20,000-person party deemed so anarchistic that it shook Middle England to its core. Here, photographer Alan Lodge tells his story of capturing a week changed UK dance music forever

SIMON DOHERTY TUESDAY, MAY 24, 2022 – 12:32

It started on a particularly sunny bank holiday weekend, on the 22nd May 1992. A ramshackle convoy of vehicles, which served as the rag-tag homes of a contingent of peaceful New Age travellers, snaked through Gloucestershire. In the summer, this nomadic community journeyed from DIY festival to DIY festival. But they’d just been refused entry to a site they had planned to use for their annual Avon free festival — a small event for around 400 people which they’d run successfully for a few years.  

Having not only been socially marginalised but also brutalised in the most barbaric fashion by Margaret Thatcher’s police force in the past (see: The Battle of the Beanfield), the travellers moved on. They were also moved on by the police in the next county. Eventually they all ended up on Castlemorton Common: where the week-long, now almost mythical, party started. 

The sun beamed down and word about a free festival began to spread like wildfire. Acid house was still in its honeymoon period and the ravers began to rally their troops. Collectives like Spiral Tribe, the DiY Sound System, Bedlam, Armageddon and Circus Warp arrived and set up rigs on the common. An answer machine was set up: “Right, listen up revellers. It’s happening now and for the rest of the weekend, so get yourself out of the house and on to Castlemorton Common… Be there, all weekend, hardcore.” 

As the site began to swell, the press arrived. It had all the elements of a great story — hippies vs the establishment, a new youth movement thrown in, people with funny ideas about society, and drugs! The press jumped on the story like a pack of filthy hyenas descending upon a rotting piece of meat. James Dalrymple of The Times wrote that the people converging on the common “had established a mini-city with full catering facilities, a large-scale drug distribution system and their own internal police force”. It was also reported in the press at the time that ravers shot flares at a police helicopter, and that there were rumours that others cooked and ate a horse that had been injured by one of the lorries. No evidence was produced to back either of these reports up. The reportage inadvertently served a dual purpose: It ignited a moral panic (that was part of the plan as it sells papers) but it also served as an extraordinary advertisement for the event resulting in an estimated 20,000 people attending. 

The implications of this week-long free festival still persist to this day: it resulted in the introduction of the infamous Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994, a carefully-worded piece of legislation designed to obliterate acid house culture. In section 63(1)(b), it outlawed people gathering listening to music “predominantly characterised by the emission of a succession of repetitive beats”. Unlicensed raves were banned forever. 

Photographer Alan Lodge, now 68 years old, was a traveller there that week. Having left his career as a paramedic in the 1970s, he’d dropped out of conventional society and taken to life on the road — often using his camera to document the horrific abuse his fellow travellers received at the hands of the police. Eventually, this was expanded to also documenting the culture, lifestyle and tribal identity of the New Age and acid house subcultures. He recently spoke to DJ Mag about his life at the time and that wild week 30 years ago. 

Convoy on the road to Castlemorton

Just Follow the Vehicle in Front

“Some people are constrained by the fact that they have to go to work. But we didn’t have that — we did things differently. We did a clockwise festival circuit around the country: the main bank holiday was the Avon free festival, then the Stonehenge [Summer Solstice] festival, then the August bank holiday. We didn’t have to advertise events with this circuit; people basically knew what particular area of the country we’d be in and when. There weren’t any mobile phones or computers or anything like that — it was word of mouth at first. 

“With Castlemorton, there was a large number of people already in the area expecting the Avon free festival. People bumped into each other in lay-bys and the convoy started getting bigger and bigger. We ended up in Gloucestershire and the police said ‘keep going, just keep going’. Police at the time didn’t really focus on stopping anything. It was more about removing a problem from their area of responsibility. That’s why we loved to put festivals near the edge of county boundaries — it created confusion about whose responsibility it was. 

“I joined a convoy on the A46 with a bunch of travelling mates. We saw some other vehicles in a lay-by, asked them where they were going, joined them, went down the road a bit more and did the same thing again. You end up with a big convoy — just follow the vehicle in front. We ended up on the common. There we were. The numbers were already in the area, they didn’t have to come from around the country. And so when the site got seized, it was easily taken by force of numbers which is basically the only way you can do it if police object to you taking the land, which of course they’re bound to do.”

Two shots of ravers at Castlemorton, including dancers on a lorry

The Biggest Rave Promoter That Week Was the BBC

“People were glad to be able to gather for the first time in those numbers for a while. Some people and a dog arrived on the site, followed by 10 more, then 28 and so on. Then people kept arriving through the night and into the following day. Once it was above critical mass [too many people for the police to intervene through fear of starting a riot], it was too hard for police to think they could oppose it. And once the media, including the BBC, advertised it with their news stories, there were thousands turning up. With those numbers, if the police tried to stop people arriving they would end up with lots of other sites. So I think their reasoning was to contain it in one place. 

“There was a Spiral Tribe rig, Bedlam Sound System had a rig and there was a whole DiY section. It was a bit of a musical journey actually: I’d go to one rig and listen, take some photographs, and then go to another one. I discovered that by wandering around the site you could create your own mix. The music was coming from one direction and I’d moved slightly to the left and I could catch a different arrangement.”

DJ Pete Birch on the decks at Castlemorton

The Late Pete Birch On the Decks

“That’s Pete Birch [AKA Pete Woosh], one half of ​​[the DJ duo] Digs & Woosh. He passed away in 2020. He was a founding member of Nottigham’s DiY Collective who were part-travellers, part-young ravers and part… whatever else. They were a diverse bunch. Electronic dance music had been big for about two or three years by then. I first came across it at a place called Treworgey free festival in 1989 in Cornwall. The usual traditional rock bands and people playing accordions or fiddles around fires was going on, but suddenly there was some very strange music coming from another hillside. I went and had a look. That’s when I first saw the intersection between the travellers and the ravers.”

Ariel shot of cars and vans, and a black and white shot of two helicopters above, Castlemorton

“We Waved at Each Other and He Flew Off” 

“Castlemorton Common is at the base of the Malvern Hills, it’s this famous musical landscape historically walked by Sir Edward Elgar [an English composer who lived from 1857 to 1934]. His first symphony is said to be inspired by that area because he was born around the corner from there. I went into the adjacent field, climbed the hill and looked at the site. I happened to have a large lens with me so I could take some decent landscape shots of the event. And to people’s amazement, I managed to take photos of the police helicopter — we were at the same level. Generally you have to look up at these people, but we were at the same altitude. We waved at each other and he flew off.

“After the original Public Order Act [1986] we could no longer ‘bring vehicles onto a piece of land with the purpose of residing there’. But what if we didn’t reside there? What if we stayed up all night and made a racket? I believe that, plus the particular musical taste, is why a lot of this happened. It was a way of getting around the law; so the gathering could still take place, but it wouldn’t fall foul of the original Public Order Act.”

Ravers on top of a lorry in the sunshine at Castlemorton

“If You Can Be Comfortable in a Field, You Don’t Have to Go Home at the End of the Night” 

“You can only speculate as to what was on the end of that finger, can’t you? That was on top of one of the rigs. There was a high proportion of young people that weren’t used to anything other than staying up overnight and going home. So that’s exactly what happened: a big group came, had it large, then went home. But then another wave came. So it’s not possible to say how many were there.

“There were different waves at different times. But the travelling community arrived at the beginning and stayed right to the end to clean it up. They were eventually evicted by high court order. Many folk coming into that scene didn’t have the capacity to be comfortable in a field. That’s what travellers knew how to do. If you can be comfortable in a field, then you don’t have to go home at the end of the night, do you?”

Police at Castlemorton

“It Had Already Reached Critical Mass”

“The first day or two was a relief to some extent — we’d made it. But there was a growing cloud among some who were thinking ‘this isn’t what we intended and I wonder what the reaction to them out there [outside the festival] is going to be? So I listen to a few news reports on the car radio. Then I went on sentry duty a few times down the road to see the arrival of the troops. But it never came — it had already reached critical mass. I felt anxious. I shouldn’t have felt anxious because there were so many people having such a nice time around me. But, having some experience with that sort of thing before [at the infamous Beanfield incident] I did. But I managed to relax then and have a nice couple of days.”

Multiple Tribes Together

Multiple Tribes Together

“As older hippy types, we were a bit taken aback by all this because none of it was intended. Part of it was purely terrific for a festival but other parts weren’t. It was out of proportion to the size of what we generally had at this sort of event, we had multiple tribes gathered together. I was unimpressed by some aspects, there was no welfare or medical provision, none. 

“There was such a rush to get there that it didn’t grow organically. In the end, there were some young people that were shitting in the woods, entering the local resident’s gardens and even sawing down live trees! Some of the travellers were really crushed by that. They felt that none of the things that they’d learned for 20 or 30 years about respecting the land was being taken into account. To them, it was a complete fucking disaster. But for many [in the raver contingent], they had the time of their lives with this freedom that they suddenly enjoyed in a tribal setting. A moment when ‘them lot out there’ [the authorities propping up the norms and values of mainstream society] actually couldn’t tell them what to do.”

SIMON DOHERTY TUESDAY, MAY 24, 2022 – 12:32

https://djmag.com/features/castlemorton-1992-photographing-illegal-rave-changed-uk-dance-music-forever

Alan’s work is currently being exhibited at the ‘Radical Landscapes’ exhibition at Tate Liverpool, click here to learn more. At the end of May 2022, he will be at Lost Horizons in Bristol exhibiting his work and talking to support the release of a film titled Free Party: A Retrospective, click here to learn more about that.  

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An earlier example of pictures for a DiY article in DJ Mag 1992

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DiY Sound System: Anarchist Ravers of Castlemorton : Vice Video

Including 25x of my pictures, supplied to illustrate the background to this material and interviews.

“Someone called us 72 hour party people. It would start on Saturday and finish on Tuesday.”In the 1990s, no one partied harder than the raver. And no one raved harder than DiY Sound System. Pioneers of the UK’s house music and free party scene, DiY were known for their huge club nights and three-day-long countryside raves.

They played a central role in the infamous Castlemorton Common Festival, which saw 20,000 people descend on a field for the biggest unauthorised rave in history, 30 years ago this week. Complaints from politicians led to the pivotal Criminal Justice and Public Order Act, which attempted to shut down free parties for good. In theory at least…

Video also at:

https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=5301477063236581

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BBC Tash Interview about Castlemorton

BBC Hereford & Worcester 23-05-22 – Tash Interview about Castlemorton and my photography

My bit starts at 2.20.15

https://www.bbc.co.uk/sounds/play/p0c4rj15

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Free Party, A Retrospective Exhibition, at Lost Horizons. Bristol

Free Party, A Retrospective Exhibition, at Lost Horizons. Bristol [Outside Panels]. Picture : thanks to Nick Clague

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Free Party, A Retrospective Exhibition, at Lost Horizons. Bristol

Free Party, A Retrospective Exhibition, at Lost Horizons. Bristol [Outside Panels]. Picture : thanks to Nick Clague

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Free Party Exhibition and Show. A Retrospective

Free Party Exhibition and Show. A Retrospective Lost Horizons, Bristol

I’m there again next Saturday 28th May and on the panel discussion then:

4pm – 5pm – Talks w. Q&A – DiY (Harry H & Jack), Alan ‘Tash’ Lodge, photographer & Aaron Trinder, filmmaker

5pm – 9pm – DiY Day Party in the garden (Tim Wilderspin & Andy Compton)

10pm – Late – Sound System with Nottingham’s anarchic collective DiY: Pezz, Jack and Grace

https://alanlodge.co.uk/blog/?p=6182

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Projection Art Installation in the Bonington Gallery, Nottingham Trent University

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“Radical Landscapes, Tate Liverpool. Reviews:

” …. Alan Lodge’s photographs (pp.28-30.144,147) at Stonehenge capture that pre-rave, free festival pilgrimage. They are as important to me as Homer Sykes photographs; he was so clearly part of this movement rather than a photo journalist reporting on it. Stonehenge has been a pilgrimage destination for thousands of years. The structure remains the same; the people making that quest have just changed.” Jeremy Deller

Two reviews in the Guardian … this one is kinder to the show:
“…. The trespasses are represented in the show by 1930s press photographs. Images from half a century later, taken by Alan Lodge, of the confrontation now known as the Battle of the Beanfield between a convoy of new-age travellers heading to the 1985 Stonehenge free festival and the police, illustrate how the story continues.
The notional focus of the Battle of the Beanfield, Stonehenge, reverberates around the exhibition with artists – Ravilious, Henry Moore, Tacita Dean and others – drawn to symbolically powerful aspects of landscape from henges and geoglyphs to ancient oak trees.”
Nukes in the brooks: the artists who weaponised landscape art
Guardian Thursday 5th May 2022
https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/2022/may/05/nukes-in-the-brooks-artists-weaponised-radical-landscape-art-liverpool

This Guardian reviewer didn’t like the show .. but liked my bit, well yes, of course 
“…. Alan Lodge shows slides and videos of free festivals in the late 80s including at Stonehenge; the soundtrack had me wanting to shuffle along with these happy idiot savants in a field.
And that’s what this entire show could have been like: joyous, life-enhancing and therefore truly radical. ….”

Radical Landscapes review – ‘Is loving green fields really wicked?’
Guardian Friday 6th May
https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/2022/may/06/radical-landscapes-loving-green-fields-wicked-tate-liverpool-tacita-dean-constable

” …. In the second half of the show, it becomes hard to escape the sound of rave music pumping out of a film by Sara Sender next to a slideshow by Alan Lodge, both documenting free festivals in the late 1980s, including a notorious clash between police and revellers at Stonehenge in 1985 (aka the ‘Battle of the Beanfield’.) Tensions between landowners and New Age traveller convoys were all over the news in the 80s.
Radical Landscapes at Tate Liverpool: the battle to reclaim the countryside
https://inews.co.uk/culture/arts/radical-landscapes-tate-liverpool-review-1620022

“ …. There’s a spooky movie of Avebury stone circle by Derek Jarman, his digicam homing in on the enigmatic stones like messengers within the daybreak. Alan Lodge reveals slides and movies of free festivals within the late 80s together with at Stonehenge; the soundtrack had me desirous to shuffle together with these blissful fool savants in a area. And that’s what this complete present may have been like: joyous, life-enhancing and due to this fact actually radical.”
Radical Landscapes review – ‘Is loving green fields really wicked?’
https://www.pehalnews.in/radical-landscapes-review-is-loving-green-fields-really-wicked/1925949

“…. The sound of rаve music pumps out of а film аnd slide show by Alаn Lodge in the second hаlf of the show, documenting free festivаls in the lаte 1980s, including а notorious clаsh between police аnd revellers аt Stonehenge in 1985 (dubbed the “Bаttle of the Beаnfield”).
In the 1980s, tensions between lаndowners аnd New Age trаveller convoys were widely reported. There wаs а surprising sense of аlliаnce between the revellers fighting for аccess to the lаndscаpe аnd the older generаtion who hаd continued to аgitаte for the right to roаm in the post-wаr yeаrs, аs Jeremy Deller’s 2018 film Everybody in the Plаce (not included in this show) points out.”
At Tate Liverpool, Radical Landscapes explores how ramblers and revolutionaries fought to reclaim the countryside.
https://www.cengnews.com/news/at-tate-liverpool-radical-landscapes-explores-how-ramblers-and-revolutionaries-fought-to-reclaim-the-countryside-454945.html

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