Dle Yaman – Hraach

This the version by DJ Hraach a current fav

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Dle Yaman – original song

The photography shown in this video is truly a lost world, mostly unseen by other cultures. It is so surprising that these images have survived such tumult.

Dle Yaman : I don’t know how I found this song but once I did I realized i loved it. It is said that it was originally about two lovers who never sealed their love for each other. However, over the years it has come to symbolize Armenia’s separation from much of its historic land in Eastern Turkey. It is also used as background music in many YouTube music videos about the Armenian Genocide.

The Armenian Genocide was the systematic mass murder and ethnic cleansing of around 1 million ethnic Armenians from Asia Minor and adjoining regions by the Ottoman Empire, modern day Turkey. in 1915. Turkey still denies that the ethnic cleansing and deportation of Armenians was a genocide or wrongful act.

Lyrics
Dle Yaman (Oh my Heart)
Dle yaman,
The wind has come like a fire,
Oh, dle yaman,
I reached water, half of the sea,
Yaman, yaman

Dle yaman,
Our houses face each other,
Oh, dle yaman,
We loved each outher without knowing,
Yaman, yaman

Dle yaman,
The sun has touched Mount Massis,
Oh dle yaman,
I am yearning for my love,
Yaman, yaman, yar

Dle yaman,
The wind has come like a fire,
Oh, dle yaman,
Beloved, brought me water, half of the sea,
Yaman, yaman

Dle yaman,
The wind has come like a fire,
Oh, dle yaman,
Beloved, brought me water, half of the sea,
Yaman, yaman

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How the Police, Crime and Sentencing Bill could extinguish environmental protest

James Fair 15 Apr 2021

The Home Office is surprisingly transparent about its reasons for wanting to increase police powers in relation to protests and direct action – it was the success of Extinction Rebellion in bringing parts of London and other British cities to a standstill with its mass participation tactics.

“protest powers factsheet” that accompanied the launch of the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill quotes Metropolitan Police Commissioner Cressida Dick as saying new legislation was needed to cope with XR because the existing Public Order Act 1986 was outdated.

The new bill was required, Dick said, “Specifically to deal with protests where people are not primarily violent or seriously disorderly but, as in this instance, had an avowed intent to bring policing to its knees and the city to a halt.”

According to Mike Schwarz, a partner with law firm Hodge Jones & Allen who has been representing and advising environmental activists for 30 years – those wanting to get involved in direct action or protest marches have a number of issues they need to consider.

The bill lowers the threshold for committing some criminal offences and for when the police can get involved, and it increases their power to restrict protests or to use their existing powers to arrest and prosecute someone if an offence is deemed to have been committed.

“It creates new offences as well,” Schwarz added. “It creates in statute, as opposed to judge-made law, the offence of public nuisance. It seems that it will be an easier offence to commit if one causes, intentionally or recklessly, serious harm to a section of the public, or obstructs them in the exercise of their rights.”

The Home Office said the new offence captures conduct “which endangers the life, health, property or comfort of the public”. But being a public nuisance could involve producing excessive noise or smells or behaviour such as hanging from bridges. 

Campaigners opposed to HS2 believe the bill has also been drafted to curtail their activities. According to Joe Rukin of Stop HS2, the government realised that the laws relating to protests around construction sites were not as a draconian as they would have liked them to be.

Under current legislation, protesters may get arrested but are normally released without being charged with any offence, and so are free to carry on protesting once they have been let out, Rukin said. So ministers wanted a new law that would not only criminalise protesting within a certain distance of an HS2 construction site, but mandate a prison sentence as a stiffer penalty for those that break the law.

“If this bill gets passed as it stands, the very first order will be, ‘No protests anywhere near HS2. We don’t care if you’re a landowner who hasn’t been paid so you’re blocking access to the land, or if you’re someone holding up a banner at the roadside saying we’re cutting down trees we said we wouldn’t, or if you’re living up that tree to stop us cutting it down. You’re in our way, it’s not allowed and you are going down.’”

Dr James Dyke, senior lecturer in global systems at the University of Exeter, has participated in XR marches and believes the impacts of the new bill may not be as great as some people fear. People have this “innate sense of natural justice” and will still believe that “marching down a road and singing songs” is not something they ought to be worried about participating in.

It could even start useful discussions about what policing by consensus means and what police forces are being used for. “It reminds me of what happened when they started fracking in the Home Counties – it was the best thing that ever happened for climate policy in the UK,” Dyke said. “It meant that you had affluent people coming face-to-face with our country’s requirements for hydrocarbons – suddenly, they weren’t just in the North Sea and out of sight and out of mind.”

The new law will pave the way for jail terms of up to 10 years, and the police could even specify that music or singing would not be allowed after a certain time or beyond a particular place. “And if you breach those conditions, you are committing a criminal offence, and you could be arrested and prosecuted,” Schwarz said.

Schwarz believes the bill may clash with rights such as freedom of expression and freedom of assembly held under the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), though drafters of the bill are obliged to sign if off as ‘ECHR compatible’.

“But that may not preclude a challenge when a prosecution arises, and the application of the police’s discretion when enforcing the new law may give rise to ECHR challenges, too,” Schwarz said.

The Home Office has denied it contravenes the convention, saying the new legislation will uphold the right to peaceful protest while providing the police with the necessary powers to stop disruptive protests from disproportionately infringing on the rights and freedoms of others. Human rights lawyers will no doubt be keeping a very close eye on that as and when the bill becomes law. 

https://www.endsreport.com/article/1712974/police-crime-sentencing-bill-extinguish-environmental-protest?bulletin=ends-report-weekly-bulletin

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Friends portrait

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Undercover policing: Blair Peach’s partner horrified to have been spied on

https://www.channel4.com/news/undercover-policing-blair-peachs-partner-horrified-to-have-been-spied-on

By Simon Israel

It’s more than 40 years since Blair Peach died after he was hit by police officers during an anti-racism protest in west London.

His partner Celia Stubbs says she was horrified to discover she was spied on for years while campaigning for justice. She will give evidence next month to the inquiry into undercover policing as it examines the extent of covert surveillance in the 1980s.

The undercover unit moved on from political groups to relatives and families of people suspected to have been killed by the state.

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Count on Me – Brockhampton

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I went to garden of Love

I  went to garden of Love

And saw what I never had seen:

A Chapel was built in the midst

Where I used to play on the green.

And the gates of this Chapel were shut,

And `Thou shalt not’ writ over the door;

So I turned to the Garden of Love

That so many sweet flowers bore.

And I saw it was filled with graves

And tombstones where flowers should be;

And priests in black gowns were walking their  rounds

And binding with briars my joys and

desires .

William Blake

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Portrait in Nottingham

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EXPLAINER: What does the new policing bill say about restricting protests?

NETPOL

Since the confrontational crackdown by the Metropolitan Police on women holding a vigil for Sarah Everard at Clapham Common on 13 March, a growing movement has condemned police intolerance to the right to protest and warned this will only become worse with the passing of the government’s 307 page Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill.

So what exactly does the bill propose?

Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill

The Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill is effectively four separate bills rolled into one mammoth piece of proposed new legislation. The four parts are:

  1. Protection of the Police
  2. Prevention, Investigation And Prosecution Of Crime
  3. Public order
  4. Unauthorised Encampments

Every part of the bill raises serious concerns and there are detailed explanations of these in relation to part 2 (by the Institute for Race Relations) and part 4 (by Friends, Families and Travellers).

Much of Netpol’s work has been in support of social and political movements taking part in protests, so these are our concerns in part 3 of the bill about proposed changes on public order.

Why make changes to public order legislation?

Metropolitan Police Commissioner, Cressida Dick has said new police powers are necessary “specifically to deal with protests where people are not primarily violent or seriously disorderly” but are intended to “bring policing to its knees and the city to a halt”. This clearly refers to Extinction Rebellion’s two-week-long actions in 2019, but may also mean repeated protests in support of the Black Lives Matter movement in 2020.

The government’s factsheet on the bill says “the highly disruptive tactics used by some protesters cause a disproportionate impact on the surrounding communities and are a drain on public funds.”

What are the proposed changes?

Imposing conditions on protests

Part 3 of the bill proposes strengthening the police’s ability to impose conditions where there is a risk that noise will cause serious disruption. This includes noise generated by a procession that “may have a relevant impact on persons in the vicinity of the procession if… it may cause … persons to suffer serious unease, alarm or distress”.

The bill also introduces new offences for one person protests for breaching conditions based on noise and impact.

The bill proposing giving the Home Secretary powers to make regulations without reference to Parliament and give examples of the type of protest deemed acceptable by the state, in order to “define any aspect” of the meaning of

  • serious disruption to the activities of an organisation which are carried on in the vicinity of a public procession, or
  • serious disruption to the life of the community.

Currently, there are different powers to deal with a march and a static assembly. The new law would allow senior police officers to give directions imposing conditions on those organising or taking part in either a procession or assembly that the police decide are necessary to prevent “disorder, damage, disruption, impact or intimidation”.

Who will these proposals affect?

What this creates is a situation where far more protests, far more often, are likely to face the prospect of having conditions imposed on them.

We know from experience that the police are already quick to impose restrictions and conditions on protests, which is why any organisation that is likely to make its voice heard noisily should feel alarmed by the bill’s public order proposals.

Furthermore, any trade union picket line or protest calling for an ethical boycott of a business that successfully persuades people from entering a company’s premises may find its owners starting to ask the police to shut down pickets or protests.

The same is true of repressive governments insisting the police act to prevent “disruption” by embassy protests.

Every effective environmental protest over the last two decades, from local opposition to fracking sites, open cast coal mining or airport expansion, has caused disruption to corporate interests. The bill will give the police far greater powers to impose restrictions on this kind of political movement in the future.

Breaching conditions imposed on a protest

Currently the Public Order Act says a protester may face arrest if they “knowingly fail to comply with a condition”. The bill intended to change this so it is an offence if “a person who knows or ought to know that the condition has been imposed”. The government factsheet for the bill says:

This measure will close a loophole which some protesters exploit. Some will cover their ears and tear up written conditions handed to them by the police so that they are likely to evade conviction for breaching conditions on a protest as the prosecution have to prove that the person “knowingly fails to comply with a condition imposed”.

This would mean, for example, that the MP Caroline Lucas, who was found not guilty of this offence under the existing law at a Balcombe anti-fracking protest in 2013, because she was “distracted by the arrest of her son and the obvious pain being caused to him during his arrest,” might now face conviction if this change succeeds, on the basis she should have known

The bill also extended the “controlled area” around Parliament where particular laws apply and adds a new offence of “obstructing, by the use of any item or otherwise, the passage of a vehicle of any description into or out of an entrance into or exit from the Palace of Westminster controlled area”. This seems in particular aimed at locking the road around Parliament Square and up as far as the Cenotaph.

Intentionally or recklessly causing public nuisance

The bill abolishes the current common law offence of public nuisance and creates a new statutory offence of causing “serious distress, serious annoyance, serious inconvenience or serious loss of amenity”.

Public nuisance has been ripe for reform for many years but in the context of the right to protest, it is not clear what any of these terms will mean and serious loss of amenity does seem to indicate that protests outside a company that result in it losing business are more likely to tempt the police into greater use of public nuisance charges.

Previously, charges for public nuisance during protests have been relatively rare. Anti-fracking campaigners jailed in 2018 for this offence were the first to face imprisonment since 1932. A new statutory offence would result in a maximum sentence if tried in a Magistrates Court of 12 months in prison and a fine (or both) and for more serious cases tried in a Crown Court, of up to 10 years in prison.

https://netpol.org/2021/04/13/explainer-what-does-the-new-policing-bill-say-about-restricting-protests/
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Dub FX ‘Flow’ feat. Mr Woodnote

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No Fixed Abode Travellers Collective Resisting Anti-Trespass

Before they imposed their law upon us, we were free. Now, only trespass is freedom. For a millennia, those in power have systematically wrenched our rights to exist from us through legislation, jurisidiction, and flat out violence.

One thousand years of enclosures. The theft of common land and its concentration in the hands of an oppressive minority. Innocents murdered by an occupying force of class traitors. There has only ever been one war, and that has been between those who would seize property for themselves, and those who would have it as a common treasury for all.

And we are fucking sick of it.

Easter weekend saw an uprising against the new bill that would not only increasingly criminalise our rights to protest, but also legalise the continued and historical vilification of those who would struggle to view the world beyond the context of property and ownership: people who live in vehicles, vans, boats and barges, on horse-drawn carts, those who squat land without permission or live nomadically. Travellers of no fixed abode. That weekend, there were 107 arrests as people actively, directly, sincerely resisted in the streets over Easter, as they did against the Criminal Justice Act, as they did at the Battle of Orgeave, as they did at the Battle of the Beanfield. As people did as they occupied cranes at the Clapham cop shop nearest to where Sarah Everard was abducted. As we did at the Pizza Shop in Soho that dared hand out free food As they did at Jones Hill and Euston Square against HS2. As they did in Bristol, Brighton, Belfast. As we do everywhere. As we always will, as its all we can do as they continue to squeeze our collective throats and try drive us into abject submission.

Taken from the Resist Anti Trespass site:

The bill will criminalise protest, violent OR non-violent for its “disruptive nature”.

The bill will criminalise the act of trespass with intent to reside. This targets primarily Travellers, and it could also have unprecedented impact on the rights of squatters, protesters, rough sleepers, ravers, ramblers, van dwellers, boaters…”

Without a bail address, when arrested you can be remanded to prison to await trial. Under their law, to not have property means you have no rights upon the land, you have no right to be, you have no right to exist. Under their system, the only right is the right to own. The dynamic is clear: if you do not own, you must be owned. In their eyes, there is only master and slave.

Yet as ever, people getting organised. As state repression ramps up against the most vulnerable in society, groups continue to form to resist:

Taken from the Statement of nfATs … ‘No Fixed Abode Travellers (NFAT) Collective & Supporters A Direct Action Coalition Group:

Lynne Morgan, secretary for the Friends of the Horsedrawn Campaign, said the following:

This group supports ALL folk who wish to opt out of a corrupt society, whether in bricks and mortar or not. It supports folk currently NFA, those in transition and those friends and family who provide massive support to NFA who are being targeted by the current system. Our common ground is the battle : fighting against the demise of community, and seeking the eradication of the nuclear family and all things designed to disconnect us from each other and the land.’

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Rastafari

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Man with chillum

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Police Liaison Officers

Police Liaison Officers (PLOs, sometimes known as Protest Liaison Officers) have become a feature of demonstrations and marches.

IMG_1881

A month before the scenes of brutal kettling of demonstrators in the City of London, the Joint Committee on Human Rights published a report {pdf_icon, 1.2 mB] asserting that “the police and protesters need to focus on improving dialogue. The police should aim for “no surprises” policing… They should review how they foster effective dialogue with protesters”. In the aftermath of G20 and the severe criticism of the use of force by riot officers, Her Majesty’s Inspector of Constabulary (HMIC) jumped on the idea of ‘dialogue policing’ in its November 2009 review, ‘Adapting to protest – nurturing the British model of policing‘ [pdf_icon, 4 mB]. Its recommendation on ‘Public Order Command Training’ said that “police should seek to inform themselves about the culture and general conduct of particular protest crowds” and that officers on the ground “should engage with crowd members to gather information about their intentions, demeanour, concerns and sensibilities”.

The HMIC review also called for greater clarity about the precise role of Forward Intelligence Teams (FIT), which had previously been set out in 2004 in the Association of Chief Police Officers’ Public Order Training Manual. FIT officers were originally responsible for what has become known as ‘dialogue policing’ – establishing “a dialogue with individuals and groups to gather information and intelligence” alongside identifying individuals and groups “who may become involved in public disorder”. However, HMIC said that the role had “shifted significantly over the past few years, with FITs now often deployed in personal protective equipment and accompanied by photographers to identify and obtain information about protesters. The public order manual does not explain the purpose for which this information is required. This lack of clarity creates the potential for FIT officers to act outside their lawful powers.”

Even HMIC admitted that, in reality, FIT teams were always far more interested in surveillance than they were in ‘dialogue’.

Since the public order manual was updated in 2010, protesters have seen three teams of officers at marches and demonstrations: Evidence Gathering Teams (EGTs), who are deployed with cameras; FIT spotters, who collect detailed “intelligence” based on observation; and PLOs, who took on the responsibility for obtaining information through dialogue. All this was fed back to Bronze and Silver Commanders.

The police have always insisted that PLOs are not used primarily for data gathering. However, there are numerous reasons why protesters have been unable to believe this:

Former FIT officers re-emerging as PLOs

Take CO 89 Sergeant Holland, for example – these pictures show him in as a FIT officer at the student demonstrations in 2011 and as a PLO at a counter Olympics march in 2012

Sgt Holland on FIT duty at a student demo in 2011

Sgt Holland as a PLO at Olympics Missiles protest in March 2012

Public admissions of intelligence gathering by PLOs

2011

A former Assistant Metropolitan Police Commissioner Lynne Owens told the Home Affairs Select Committee about mass arrests of UKUncut activists at Fortnum & Mason and said:

Q12: We do need to improve the intelligence picture, but our ability to arrest over 200 people at the weekend gives us a very good starting point in terms of building that picture.

 2012

Chief Inspector Sonia Davis, head of the Police Liaison Teams (PLT) unit in the Metropolitan Police, gave evidence as a prosecution witness in the trial of Critical Mass cyclists arrested on the evening of the Olympics opening ceremony. Under cross-examination, Davis admitted that PLTs gather information on protesters and had even been covertly deployed at previous Critical Mass rides to try to identify ‘leaders’.

2014

A review of the policing of anti-fracking protests in Balcombe West Sussex, confirmed that PLOs played “a pivotal role in the operation” by “interacting with the protest organisers” and as a result, “there was intelligence, including open source, to suggest the protest would escalate”. The report complains that it was unclear how PLOs fed back the intelligence they had gathered to their senior officers and concludes:

This is a common issue with usage of PLO teams as a relatively new tactic within UK policing. Consideration of the deployment of a dedicated PLO Bronze may help ensure that important intelligence is appropriately considered within the command structure and that an appropriate intelligence sterile corridor exists between those who are engaging directly with protestors and command.

Due to a blunder, it was possible to read sections of the review that were redacted: one section confirms the use of covert surveillance on campaigners

Video evidence of PLOs harassing an activist at home

In September 2012, the Guardian reported that two plain-clothes Sussex Police officers – one a former FIT officer – turned up at the home of a Brighton campaigner, claiming they were PLOs and asking questions about a forthcoming UK Uncut action in the town:.

In testy exchanges, one officer asks her repeatedly whether she is a member of UK Uncut. She replied that she did not think it necessary for her to say whether she was or not. She asked the officers why they thought she was a member of the campaign.

The officer replied: “Because I have seen you on many demonstrations, and you have been leading the demonstrations. I am not saying that you were the organiser, but you have been a leader on these sorts of things.”

He then asked her who is the organiser of the planned demonstration. She declined to answer his questions.

After passing her film to the Guardian, she said: “It was not building communication or dialogue at all – it was them coming to my house to intimidate me and attempt to gather information.”

What PLOs’ Standard Operating Procedures tell us

In 2013, Netpol obtained the Standard Operating Procedures for Metropolitan Police PLOs, which confirms that “[Police Liaison Teams] are likely to generate high-quality intelligence from the discussions they are having with [protest] group members”. It also says:

“all PLT officers must ensure all intelligence is recorded on Crimint” [a criminal intelligence database] and all intelligence obtained during an event “is passed to Bronze Intelligence for analysis and dissemination to Silver and the rest of the Command Team (in the same way as any other intelligence)”.

See below for a full list of documents released by the Metropolitan Police under this Freedom of Information request.

Numbers of PLOs in English and Welsh police forces

This is a snapshot based on information on the number of officers who had receiving PLO training by the end of October 2013:

PLO_training_England_Wales
Police forceNumber trainedPolice forceNumber trained
Cheshire15Merseyside1
Derbyshire3North Wales5
Essex12North Yorkshire3
Greater Manchester37Northumbria14
Hertfordshire12South Wales28
Humberside6South Yorkshire40
Isle Of Man2Suffolk1
Kent13Sussex45
Lancashire16Thames Valley3
Leicestershire2West Midlands35

Source: response to Freedom of Information request, [, 83kB] – College of Policing, October 2013

An earlier Freedom of Information request [, 32 kB] from January 2013 confirms 30 trained PLOs in the Metropolitan Police, with the intention to increase this to 60 officers.

Scottish police forces have now merged into Police Scotland – accurate figures for PLOs are currently unavailable,

PLO procedures and training materials released by the Metropolitan Police

Standard Operating Procedure for the Operational Deployment of Protestor Liaison Teams (PLT’s) in the MPS  – 374 kB

Police Liaison “Gateway” Team – aim and roles  – 75 kB

Public Order Actions Book   – 1.05 mB

Public Order Courses – Police Liaison Team Course  – 72 kB

Public Order Command & Protest Liaison Teams (PLTs): Course Outline  – 100 kB

Timetable – Protestor Liaison Officer Course  – 19 kB

Presentation – Crowd Psychology and Communications  – 268 kB

Presentation – Engagement and Involvement  – 134 kB

Presentation – Human Rights  – 184 kB

Presentation – Protestor Tactics – An Introduction for Police Liaison Teams  – 734 kB

Police Liaison Team Officer Role Profile  – 77 kB

Police Liaison Officers – Warning Placards

You can download these placard designs to use at future demonstrations.

DownloadDownloadDownloadDownload

Posts about Police Liaison Officers on this site

NETPOL https://netpol.org/police-liaison-officers

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Period musician

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Singer portrait

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Rave

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Tweet – KillTheBill

Police & Crime Bill is currently before parliament. Wide variety of folks are opposed to it because of restriction on enviro, protest, unions, attacks on travellers & criminal trespass. Please organise. Recent speech at protest youtu.be/Kx0_4Nf5Y28 @NottmGreenFest #killthebill

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Slide show operations 2 at Glastonbury 2008

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Slide show operations 1 at Glastonbury 2008

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