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Criminalising A Way of Life – The Impact of The Bill on Travellers

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Over the last few weeks we’ve seen the passing of the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill in the House of Commons turn the right to protest into a hot topic and rightly so. The Suffragettes, Chartists and Civil Rights campaigners would be turning in their graves at legislation that seeks to curb the democratic right to object to unjust laws and to campaign for change. Protests have won us many basic legal protections that today we all take for granted including the right to vote, workers rights and to not be discriminated against on grounds of difference.

One human right that we take for granted is a legal respect for family life and home (Article 8, Human Rights Act 1998.) The bill has another section of concerning content, part 4. Unauthorised Encampments and Trespass, that threatens that basic right for many. With that wording you’d be forgiven for thinking that it’s only fair for landowners to be able to evict those who trespass without permission, but the current laws already enable this so what’s being changed?

Trespass is in fact changing from a civil matter and becoming a criminal offence. Offenders risk arrest, imprisonment, return to an area being prohibited and property being seized including vehicles. The proposals not only cover private land in the way we think of it as homes and gardens, business or farm land but also vast private estates with many acres owned by wealthy and aristocratic landowners who were gifted it, along with their titles, for supporting Kings of old in battles many centuries ago. When you consider that over half of the land in the UK is owned by less than 1% of the population then the stark reality is that there’s not a fair share left for the rest of us to live on. The proposals also cover public land which includes land and car parks managed by local councils, The National Trust and Forestry Commission which are the most likely places these trespass laws will be used.

Those who live full time or part time in vehicles will be most affected by the new laws;
*Roma, Gypsies, Irish and Scottish Travellers whose nomadic way of life and ethnic minority status is protected under the Equality Act 2010.
*New Age Travellers who first adopted a nomadic lifestyle in the 1960’s with 4th and 5th generations now born into a distinct culture which is intrinsically connected to travelling.
*Vanlifers who are the newcomers to nomadism swapping the modern economic reality of unaffordable, overpriced rents and perpetual house sharing well beyond student days for instagrammed adventures.
*The laws will also catch Motorhomers and Campervanners who “wild camp”.

All Travellers regardless of descriptor, cultural differences or how long we’ve lived this way belong to communities and identities that hinge entirely upon living a nomadic way of life. At all times in human history there have been groups and individuals who have lived nomadically and whose work has depended on travel. Nomadism has existed for eras longer than being settled has been viewed as the accepted norm. Living in bricks and staying in one location doesn’t and has never suited everyone.

In the past common land was the accepted location for Travellers to camp but that option no longer exists. There is a huge problem of having nowhere to go for Travelling people today. Councils have been required by law to provide official sites but the need massively outweighs provision. Disused and derelict wasteland (usually council owned), quiet car parks by woods and beaches or industrial areas are therefore the only options left to make camp. The new laws cover all of these options of places we currently stay and basically make living in a vehicle only possible on a holiday camp site which would be more expensive over time than renting a house or paying a mortgage and so not a feasible reality for most people who live this way full time. Also many if not most sites only accept holiday camper vans and not Traveller vehicles.

Whatever our destination there’s no real end goal of an official place we are allowed to stay. Nomadic life is already a succession of finding new places we can camp without being moved on. When we park up we are often subjected to discrimination, unkind comments and even vigilante attacks by locals driven by prejudices that come from disdainful depictions in the media or stereotypical narratives of problem Travellers passed on from one person to the next. This can mean we seek to find safety in numbers, travelling with friends or stopping for longer periods in small communities of those we share a way of life with. This is especially true if we experience ill health, need to work in a local area for a while or have kids in local education provision and so need to remain in one place which is why more fixed Traveller communities evolve.

The proposed new laws say that we can and will be moved on if we cause “damage, disruption or distress” but these are pretty subjective descriptors as us just being there is deemed to be distressing or disruptive to many people because their stereotype driven fear of us stops them from walking past. Damage could be as little as tyre tracks or a washing line tied to a tree or our camps being viewed as “untidy“. We live outside our homes as much as within and often have items outside. People also hold aesthetic prejudices towards the type of vehicles we live in.

There’s no guidance in the wording of the proposals as to what will be accepted forms of the “three D’s” and no requirement for court proceedings prior to evictions and homes being seized to decide whether this is just or fair in each case. That means no legal process or scrutiny to rule whether we truly have committed a criminal act worthy of punishment prior to being evicted and made homeless. It will be at the discretion of an individual landowner, agent or police officer, who could hold their own prejudices about our way of life, to determine whether our homes being parked somewhere constitutes a crime.

Their individual judgment will also decide what they deem is a “reasonably practicable” time scale for us to move off that land before it’s deemed that we’ve broken the law by not doing so. In that moment they will decide whether our reasons for not moving off the land are justified or criminal. A mechanical issue, children sleeping in their beds, driver tiredness, working locally or needing to access local services such as schools or hospitals or the myriad of different circumstances that can and will present themselves to the individual making the decisions. There’s a long history of police, councils and those who own or manage land not treating Travellers with much respect so having to rely on trusting that an individual will treat us reasonably with no due legal process to check that they are using these powers justly doesn’t fill many of us with much confidence.

The consequences of not moving on to the satisfaction of the officer or landowner are arrest and imprisonment and of course a criminal record, heavy fines, being banned from a local area potentially where we have work, family connections and our kids attend local schools. The powers extend to allowing police to seize and destroy vehicles which for us are our homes and contain all of our possessions. Seizing them means leaving us homeless. For those of us who carry the tools of our trades and/or need to travel to different areas to work this will leave us without any way of making a living. The most worrying consideration is that if we are locked up and made homeless what happens to our children? They will of course be taken by social services and as our homes will have been destroyed along with all of the possessions we need to provide and care for our kids (including their own personal possessions such as beds and clothing and toys) we are unlikely to get them returned to our care. It’s pretty much our entire way of life that’s being criminalised and our families’ security and assurance that we will still be together and able to live in our home tomorrow that’s under threat. We are left with the only option being to live a life of perpetual motion, ready to move on at a moment’s notice and feeling like we are on the run. Daily fear of losing our freedom, our homes, everything we own and our children is no way to live. Any knock at our door could be the one that decimates our lives.

Please join us in opposing this bill. Help us to show that criminalising us, displacing us and dramatically driving up the homelessness statistics and the number of kids in care is not the answer to achieving social harmony. Nobody deserves to live with the threat of losing their home just for living in it. Nobody deserves to be turned into a criminal overnight on an individual’s definition of whether their way of life causes damage, disruption or distress without the due legal process of court. As well as threatening a nomadic way of life this sets a very dangerous legal precedent. We can already be evicted from land under current law, criminalising us, casting us out of the area and taking our homes in the process is unjust.


Written by Jess Fox

Jess Fox is a New Age Traveller, Dressmaker, Autistic blogger, Single parent, Home Educator and Carer for her son who is also Autistic. She collects vinyl records and Irregular Choice trainers. https://theeverydaymagazine.co.uk/opinion/the-impact-of-the-bill-on-travellers

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Gypsies and Travellers Are Under Attack – And So Are Our Collective Freedoms

If GRT culture is stamped out, then everyone else’s liberties will be just one step behind.

by Jake Bowers

5 April 2021

A mixed Irish Traveller/Romani encampment on Hastings seafront, April 2021. Photo credit: Jake Bowers

Every spring, as daffodils and primroses bloom, Gypsy, Roma and Traveller (GRT) communities follow the ways of our ancestors and hit the road. Around the same time each year, rosette-wearing politicians start pounding pavements and knocking on doors ahead of local elections. 

The two groups rarely meet, but in recent weeks our worlds have collided. How both major parties treat Britain’s estimated 600,000 Gypsies, Roma and Travellers is finally getting some attention. But it’s not just the discrimination of home secretary Priti Patel’s police, crime, sentencing and courts bill that has provoked anger and upset, but the actions of a hapless Labour MP in Warrington.

It’s something you shouldn’t see on a Labour leaflet. But there on the seventh line it is: right between the issues of anti-social behaviour and traffic concerns is a pledge to “deal with traveller incursions”. Whether Labour MP Charlotte Nichols didn’t read the leaflet properly or she just didn’t care is unclear, but we can safely say she now regrets the photo taken while out campaigning in Orford, Cheshire. The controversy has led to an embarrassing apology from the MP along with Labour’s general secretary – and a promise that all the leaflets will be pulped. But what was so wrong with it?A Labour leaflet attacking GRT communities, from a now-deleted tweet by Labour MP Charlotte Nichols.

A Labour leaflet attacking GRT communities, from a now-deleted tweet by Labour MP Charlotte Nichols.

For most members of GRT communities, the phrase “deal with traveller incursions” is abhorrent because it frames these people as a problem to be “dealt with”. Suggesting such a thing about any other minority would be a scandal, and rightly so. The fact that Labour – a party supposedly founded on principles of equality – thought it acceptable to put this phrase on campaigning materials shows just how normalised prejudice against Gypsies, Roma and Travellers still is. 

Embracing diversity means embracing difference. For some minorities that’s having a different faith – for us it’s a different lifestyle. GRT communities – recognised ethnic groups under race relations law – are groups for whom the tradition of nomadic family life is a non-negotiable part of our identity. An “incursion” is the attack of an invader or coloniser – not the practices of a minority that’s been present in Britain for over 500 years. For far too many Labour members, racism towards GRT communities is still a blindspot, with our issues framed as simply those of an errant subculture or the anti-social behaviour of the ‘travelling fraternity’. People need to accept that our communities are ethnic groups (as the courts have done), and deal with our issues as those of racial equality.  

It’s undeniably true that a lack of legal stopping places still puts Gypsies, Roma and Travellers in conflict with local councils and communities. But somehow I don’t think that genuine measures in Warrington to address these conflicts – such as building new legal stopping sites – is what the authors of the Labour leaflet had in mind. The sad truth is that while promises to “deal with traveller incursions” are far more likely to be found on Conservative party leaflets, 20 years of reporting on GRT issues have taught me it can often be Labour councils that have the most aggressive eviction policies – and that Tory councils, like Fenland in Cambridgeshire, can sometimes be the most accommodating. 

There are many Labour MPs who do understand our struggles. Bell Ribeiro-Addy and Zarah Sultana are two of those for whom opposition to the police bill is in part based on the recognition that it will criminalise GRT culture. If the government succeeds in redefining criminal trespass as the use of just one vehicle with an intent to reside on land not owned by the occupant, it will have fundamentally altered the right of all British people to access the landscape. In this respect, GRT communities are a canary in a coal mine when it comes to our collective liberty. If our culture is stamped out, then everyone’s freedoms – as evidenced by other parts of the bill – are just one step behind.

Today the Conservatives are proposing laws that:

– Attack the right to protest
– Attack the rights of Gypsy, Roma & Traveller communities
– Dramatically increase prison sentences, without evidence it will make people safer

This descent into authoritarianism must be resisted 1/2

— Zarah Sultana MP (@zarahsultana) March 15, 2021

This week marks 50 years since Romani activists from across Europe gathered in London to give their transnational nation a flag, an anthem and political direction. Half a century on, many of the lives of Europe’s 12 million Romani people are still blighted by racism, hatred, and the denial that we are even a people at all. From the Warrington leaflet to the police bill to the poverty and violence that have led over 300,000 Eastern European migrant Roma to Britain, there is a lot of work left to do – and it’s high time all left-leaning people got on board. A country – or indeed constituency – without room for the liberty of its Gypsies isn’t free for anyone. We need you on our journey with us.

Jake Bowers is a Romani journalist, broadcaster, filmmaker and artist blacksmith.

To find out how to support Gypsies, Roma and Travellers across Europe, click here.

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Speech at the KillTheBill Protest today : the video

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Speech at the KillTheBill Protest today 2

Tash in action again [photo: Laura Wilson]

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Tash in action again [photo: Laura Wilson]

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Police surveillance and protests

Apr 1, 2021 | Support Us | 0 comments

Police carry out intense surveillance on protest movements, collecting even seemingly innocuous personal details in order to build up a detailled picture of the groups and individuals they are targeting. Here’s our guide to interacting with the police and staying safer on demonstrations.

Watch out for Police Liason Officers (PLOs)

The friendly police officers in light blue bibs that you see on protests are Police Liaison Officers. They are specially trained officers whose job it is to engage you in polite conversation, and record any and all details that you give to them. We advise that, for your safety and the safety of people you’re with, that you do not engage with them. There’s no such thing as a friendly conversation with the police- and you may be giving away more than you realise. If they try to engage you in conversation, you can reply with “No Comment” to their questions- or simply ignore them until they leave you alone.

Watch out for the evidence gathering team

Also present at protests are officers with orange tabs on their vests. These are the evidence gathering team. You will often see them in pairs recording or photographing activists, and surveilling the crowd. Their job is to record who is at the protest and what they are doing, and their evidence is used against activists later. You are allowed to walk away or hide your face if they are filming or photographing. For more information, see Green and Black Cross’ guide to filming and photography at actions.

Wear your face mask

Unless you have a medical exemption, everyone should be wearing facemasks when out in crowds due to the risk of coronavirus. You also have the right to cover your face at a demonstration. Don’t make the evidence gathering team’s job easier- keep your mask on. The police cannot require you to remove a face covering unless it is during a Stop and Search, or there is a blanket 60AA power in place and “there is reason to believe that the item is being worn wholly or mainly for the purpose of disguising identity”. For more information, see Green and Black Cross’ resources on facemasks at demonstrations.

Keep your camera trained on the cops- and don’t livestream

If you’re taking a camera or filming at demonstrations, make sure your camera lens stays trained on the police, not on people in the crowd. The police are already monitoring the crowd and carrying out surveillance on protesters- don’t add to their evidence by posting identifiable footage online! Netpol also advise people not to livestream from demonstrations. No matter how careful you think you’re being, you’re sharing unfiltered images of the people around you with little or no control over what is being shown in the background of your film, and your footage could lead to arrests or targeting later on.

Be mindful what you share on social media

The police monitor social media sites as part of protest surveillance, and use images, video and posts to keep track of who is present. Your location is trackable from social media posts, and tagging others in posts can identify them as part of the protest. Think about what you are sharing as a status update- and how much information you are potentially sharing with police, far right groups and potential stalkers . If you’re posting images online, we advise you to blur or cover the faces of the crowd. There are some simple apps that you can use to do this, to protect your privacy and the privacy of others. For more information, check Netpol’s guide to organising online and safer social media sharing.

Leave your phone at home, or log out of apps that track your location

Many people choose not to take their smartphones on demonstrations, especially if they think there is a risk of arrest- if arrested, the police can access your phone and all the data that you have, including emails, messaging apps, logging into your social media accounts and accessing your pictures and videos. If you are taking a phone with you, we advise that you log out of all apps that track your location data- such as google maps, Uber, and any free apps that use your location data as part of their targetted ads. See Netpol’s guide to online organising for more details.

Go with friends

We advise anyone attending a protest to let people they trust know where they are going, and when they plan to arrive home. We also advise that you arrive and leave with friends, as police or counter-demonstrators often target people on their own who are travelling to and from the protest site.

Remember the 5 key messages

No Comment. You do not need to answer police questions, so don’t.

No Personal Details. You do not have to give personal details under ANY stop and search power, so don’t. One exemption to this is if the police are issuing a on-the-spot Fixed Penalty Notice (fine) for breaching coronavirus regulations, in which case you are required to give your personal details.

Ask “What under power?” to challenge the police to act lawfully. Some police officers rely on you not knowing the law. If you are asked to do something by a police officer, ask them what power (i.e. what law) they are using and why they are using it.

If arrested, use a recommended solicitor with protest experience, not the duty solicitor. Duty solicitors are not experienced in protest law and often give bad advice.

No Caution. Offering you a caution is a way the police may ask you to admit guilt for an offence without having to charge you. It is an easy win for the police, as they don’t have to provide any evidence or convince a court of your guilt.

For more information, see the Green and Black Cross website.

Know your rights on a protest: no comment, no personal details, what power?, no duty solicitor, no caution
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Charlie Phillips: why did it take so long for one of Britain’s greatest photographers to get his due?

His photographs of Muhammad Ali and Jimi Hendrix sold around the world. Cartier-Bresson was a fan, while Fellini liked him so much he put him in a film. Yet in the UK, Phillip’s work was ignored for decades

by Steve Rose Thu 25 Mar 2021 06.00 GMT

Charlie Phillips never planned to become a photographer. His childhood dream was to be an opera singer, or a naval architect. But then a camera fell into his lap. It was 1958. The 14-year-old had arrived from Jamaica two years earlier and was living in Notting Hill, west London, at that time the first port of call for many Caribbean immigrants. The area was also a destination for African American soldiers stationed at nearby military bases, who didn’t feel so welcome in central London’s white venues.

“On Saturdays, if you had a basement flat, you’d move the furniture to one side and make a party,” says Phillips. “And these GIs used to bring their rhythm-and-blues records and cigarettes. They’d come to have a good time and, you know, dance … and the young Afro-Caribbean women would come to meet them.” Phillips’s family often befriended these GIs. “One of them got legless one night and couldn’t get back to his base, so he had to borrow 15 shillings from my dad. He left behind a Kodak Retinette camera, but he never came back to pick it up. So I kept it.”

That camera became Phillips’s passport to a career that took him across Europe and into contact with notable figures including Jimi Hendrix, Federico Fellini, Muhammad Ali and Henri Cartier-Bresson. At the same time, Phillips was one of the few people minded and able to document London’s African-Caribbean community. His images, many of which were gathered together in the book Notting Hill in the Sixties, capture the richness and complexity of the landscape. Children play on litter-filled streets; young Black people show off their fashionable attire outside rundown houses.

A group of children on Basing Street in west London, 1969.
A group of children on Basing Street in west London, 1969. Photograph: Charlie Phillips/Getty Images

This was an era marked by regular racist assaults on the African-Caribbean community, and the 1958 Notting Hill “race riots”. Phillips’s images show hand-scrawled adverts for rooms to let, spelling out “No coloured”, and graffiti on walls reading “Keep Britain white”. But his work also captures black and white Londoners socialising together, laughing, drinking, kissing. One of his best-known photographs, known as Notting Hill Couple, has come to symbolise that spirit. Taken at a party in 1967, it depicts a young Black man with his arm around a young white woman. Both look into the camera with serious expressions that could be interpreted as hopeful, innocent, perhaps even defiant.

Phillips chronicled African-Caribbean funerals in London over several generations, in all their passion, style and sartorial exuberance. This was his own community, and his images speak of an insider’s intimacy and familiarity. “As far as I’m concerned, we haven’t been given a proper platform to show our culture, our side of the story,” he says. “It’s not Black history; this is British history, whether you like it or not. And we’ve been sidestepped. I feel that personally.”

Portobello Road in the late 60s.
Portobello Road in the late 60s. Photograph: Charlie Phillips/Getty Images

Phillips has good reason to feel excluded. As well as that fateful camera, his career has been shaped to some extent by British attitudes towards race. Like many Windrush-era immigrants, his family did not come to Britain because they were poor but because they were invited. In Jamaica, his parents ran a business making tourist souvenirs, employing six other people. “The mother country called, so we answered,” he says. “But we never had any welcoming party; we had to fend for ourselves.” The now-gentrified Notting Hill was “a ghetto” at that time, populated not only by Caribbean but also Irish and Hungarian immigrants. Phillips’s first accommodation was a boarding house in Blenheim Crescent, where he slept three to a bed with other recent arrivals. Later, his parents would move into a room, then two rooms in a shared house.

At school, Phillips’s mostly white classmates were less hostile than curious, he says. “They would call me ‘Curly’ and sometimes feel your hair. There were rumours that we had tails on our backs.” Phillips was surprised by their ignorance. “I’d say: ‘I’m from Jamaica.’ They’d say: ‘What part of Africa is that?’ The British empire was all over the world, and yet some of the local population was so ignorant about the colonies. It was unbelievable.” His teachers were equally surprised that Phillips knew how to read, write, draw, do geometry and even sing Ave Maria in Latin. He had a good voice, he says. He also had a fascination with ships; in his free time he would take the bus to Victoria Docks to watch them. But as a Black child in 50s Britain, Phillips’s dreams of designing ships or singing opera were not considered realistic. “They laughed at me. The youth employment officer said: ‘Why don’t you get a job with London Transport? That’s more security. Or join the RAF or get a job with the post office.’”

Notting Hill Couple, 1967.
Notting Hill Couple, 1967. Photograph: Charlie Phillips/Getty Images

To pass the evenings in his family’s one-bedroom flat, Phillips began to take an interest in the camera. With money from his paper round, he bought a do-it-yourself photography book from the local chemist. He began developing his prints at night in the bath after everyone else had gone to bed. His first photographs were of friends and family in the neighbourhood, who would pay for a photo to send to relatives back home. “I used to take ‘snaps’ of people,” he says. “We never called them ‘photographs’ in them days. It was just for fun, as an amateur, because we only thought we’d spend five years in England.” After leaving school in 1960, he bought a better camera and continued his DIY photography education. He never had any formal training. “It was just common sense. This is how I picked up my trade.”

By the mid-60s Phillips’s parents were running a Caribbean restaurant in Portobello Road where he would help out. In his free time he snapped other aspects of local life: people and scenes on the street, events such as the Jamaican Independence Day celebrations in 1962. He would take his camera along to student protest marches against nuclear weapons, apartheid and the Vietnam war. In solidarity with the student uprising of 1968, he decided to take a boat to France to see what was going on in Paris. “I’ll always remember, I was outside the Gare du Nord, and it was a big student riot and the police were there, and a student got his head busted in. I saw the blood spurting, and I got panicky. It still shakes me up.” He decided to hitchhike around Europe, and ended up in Rome.

Waiting for the Tube, 1967.
Waiting for the Tube, 1967. Photograph: Charlie Phillips/Getty Images

The term “paparazzo” had been coined eight years earlier by Fellini in the movie La Dolce Vita, which mapped a postwar Rome of frenetic modernity and celebrity culture. Phillips found himself living that life for real, hanging around with genuine paparazzi in cafes or outside film studios, waiting for a tip or a sighting of a passing star to snap: Marcello Mastroianni, Omar Sharif, Gina Lollobrigida, John Mills, Peter O’Toole, spaghetti western actors – Phillips got them all. Claudia Cardinale was especially friendly, he says. She once gave him tickets to the premiere of Oliver!. Lesser-known actors would pay to be photographed for their own portfolios.

It was an exciting, if hand-to-mouth lifestyle. “An agency would take some of my work. You’d get two or three quid, which was survival.” He even met Fellini himself, who cast him as an extra in his 1969 film Satyricon. Easygoing and conversational, Phillips seems to have made friends wherever he went. “Sometimes in my travels, people took a liking to me,” he acknowledges. “That’s how I survived. Seeing as I was the only person of colour, everybody was curious: who’s this Black guy taking photographs?”

Portobello Road, 1966.
Portobello Road, 1966. Photograph: Charlie Phillips/Getty Images

Phillips still harboured dreams of opera, despite living in a commune with Italian revolutionaries who considered it “borghese”, or bourgeois. He often worked as an extra at La Scala, an opera house in Milan. But as a photographer, he was doing pretty well. He sold work to Italian magazines including Vogue, Harper’s Bazaar and Life. He would travel to ski resorts or to the south of France as a paparazzo. And he was travelling back and forth to England. “This is when I started photographing my community in a more serious fashion,” he says. As well as the streets and the Caribbean funerals, he visited the pubs, the shebeens (illegal drinking clubs) and nightclubs such as the Cue Club in Paddington, a venue for soul and bluebeat (early ska music), which was frequented by Black celebrities and rock stars. “I was in the alternative culture of London at the time,” he says. “The sex, drugs and rock’n’roll era, the free love era.” He captured rock stars such as Hendrix and Eric Clapton visiting the head shops and fashion boutiques in Portobello Road. He spent more time with Hendrix and others at the Isle of Wight festival in 1970. “I managed to get backstage. I had photographs with Hendrix, Joan Baez, Tiny Tim, I think some of the Who were there, Sly and the Family Stone.”

Silchester Road, demolished to make way for the Westway flyover, 1967.
Silchester Road, demolished to make way for the Westway flyover, 1967. Photograph: Charlie Phillips/Getty Images

In 1972 Phillips held his first solo exhibition – on Notting Hill life – in Milan. To his surprise, the show was visited by Cartier-Bresson, the godfather of street photography and one of Phillips’s idols. “As a matter of fact, I used to dress like Cartier-Bresson. I used to wear a beret at the time. Some of my Italian friends used to compare my work with his.”

By 1974, Phillips was getting homesick and decided to return to England, but again, there was no welcoming party. Showing his photographs to editors and galleries in London, “people would say: ‘Did you really take this?’ Nobody believed I took them. I used to get fobbed off all the time. I couldn’t get any assignments.” One gallery even had a photograph of Muhammad Ali, taken by Phillips, on the wall (taken in Zurich in 1971, during Ali’s bout with German champion Jürgen Blin; Phillips went on to meet Ali on numerous occasions) yet refused to believe Phillips was the photographer. “This is how absurd it was.” Did the fact that Phillips was Black have a bearing on his treatment? “I can’t comment on that,” he says. “I think that’s a question you should ask the institutions.”

Ali on Boxing Day ... Muhammad Ali in Zurich before his fight with Jurgen Blin, 1971.
Ali on Boxing Day … Muhammad Ali in Zurich before his fight with Jurgen Blin, 1971. Photograph: Charlie Phillips/Getty Images

Phillips grew demoralised. “I became homeless. And I became kind of destitute. I ended up washing up dishes and working in a cafe and restaurant and I put the photography aside.” From 1974 until 1991, Phillips didn’t take a single photograph. Making matters worse, moving between various squats and bedsits, he lost many of his photographs. His images of Hendrix, Cartier-Bresson, the Paris 1968 protests, the Dolce Vita movie stars and so many others are now missing. “If anyone can find my Jimi Hendrix collection, that’s my pension fund.”

In 1988 Phillips opened a Caribbean diner, Smokey Joe’s, in south London, which he ran for 11 years. During that time, his previous career underwent a process of rediscovery. A music magazine contacted him in 1991, seeking to use his photographs from the bluebeat era, he says. By chance, when a courier returned Phillips’s photographs to his diner, one of his customers was Ben Bousquet, a local Labour councillor. Bousquet, originally from St Lucia, had also grown up in 60s Notting Hill. He was amazed when he discovered Phillips’s archive of London immigrant life, which had lain forgotten in a box under his bed. “He said: ‘Bloody ’ell. You mean you have all these photographs sitting there? This is history here!’”

At the ‘Piss House’ pub on the Portobello Road, 1969.
At the ‘Piss House’ pub on the Portobello Road, 1969. Photograph: Charlie Phillips/Getty Images

That led to the Notting Hill in the Sixties book, and a steady career rehabilitation. In 2003, the Museum of London exhibited Phillips’s work, and it has featured regularly in exhibitions since then. His photograph of the young Notting Hill couple is now part of the V&A’s collection. Simon Schama included Phillips’s work in his book and TV series The Face of Britain, describing him as “one of Britain’s great photo-portraitists”. Just last year, Steve McQueen requested Phillips take his portrait when he guest-edited the Observer. Phillips is somewhat ambivalent about his newfound recognition, however, especially when he is pigeonholed as Black culture, rather than just culture. “I feel sometimes I’m being used as political propaganda when they talk about multicultural Britain. I’m sorry, I don’t want to play the colour game. I’m tired of ticking the boxes, because they only call you in Black History Month to show images of Black people, and I’m fed up of it.”

Charlie Phillips.
Charlie Phillips: ‘I feel sometimes I’m being used as political propaganda.’ Photograph: Aliyah Otchere/The Guardian

Phillips still takes pictures, he says, but just for himself, “as a hobby”. Occasionally he travels down to the coast to photograph ships. He loves photographing horses. “I still haven’t taken the perfect photograph yet,” he says. “I still make a lot of mistakes.” He now lives in Mitcham, just outside London. “Nothing happens over here. Everything finishes after the News at 10,” he jokes. “All I wanted to do was to spend more time in my allotment and catch up on my reading. I’ve been reading War and Peace for about the last 20 years and I still haven’t finished it yet. But they took me out of retirement because people think I’ve got an interesting life.”

In 2015, he received a Heritage Lottery Fund grant to manage his archive. “This is the only thing that keeps me going. I’ve got lots of young volunteers who say: ‘Uncle Charlie, you’ve got to keep your legacy alive, because we don’t see this in schools. We don’t see this in exhibition centres.’ I think we’re not well-represented within the culture of England how we should be. There has been a missing section in our history. Most of our records have been destroyed or weren’t there in the first place … I’m just here to document our side of the story.”

https://www.theguardian.com/society/2021/mar/25/charlie-phillips-why-did-it-take-so-long-for-one-of-britains-greatest-photographers-to-get-his-due

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My MA Show, few years ago, at the Surface Gallery

My MA Show, few years ago, at the Surface Gallery / Nottingham Trent University

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