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Police Liaison Officers

Police Liaison Officers (PLOs, sometimes known as Protest Liaison Officers) have become a feature of demonstrations and marches.

IMG_1881

A month before the scenes of brutal kettling of demonstrators in the City of London, the Joint Committee on Human Rights published a report {pdf_icon, 1.2 mB] asserting that “the police and protesters need to focus on improving dialogue. The police should aim for “no surprises” policing… They should review how they foster effective dialogue with protesters”. In the aftermath of G20 and the severe criticism of the use of force by riot officers, Her Majesty’s Inspector of Constabulary (HMIC) jumped on the idea of ‘dialogue policing’ in its November 2009 review, ‘Adapting to protest – nurturing the British model of policing‘ [pdf_icon, 4 mB]. Its recommendation on ‘Public Order Command Training’ said that “police should seek to inform themselves about the culture and general conduct of particular protest crowds” and that officers on the ground “should engage with crowd members to gather information about their intentions, demeanour, concerns and sensibilities”.

The HMIC review also called for greater clarity about the precise role of Forward Intelligence Teams (FIT), which had previously been set out in 2004 in the Association of Chief Police Officers’ Public Order Training Manual. FIT officers were originally responsible for what has become known as ‘dialogue policing’ – establishing “a dialogue with individuals and groups to gather information and intelligence” alongside identifying individuals and groups “who may become involved in public disorder”. However, HMIC said that the role had “shifted significantly over the past few years, with FITs now often deployed in personal protective equipment and accompanied by photographers to identify and obtain information about protesters. The public order manual does not explain the purpose for which this information is required. This lack of clarity creates the potential for FIT officers to act outside their lawful powers.”

Even HMIC admitted that, in reality, FIT teams were always far more interested in surveillance than they were in ‘dialogue’.

Since the public order manual was updated in 2010, protesters have seen three teams of officers at marches and demonstrations: Evidence Gathering Teams (EGTs), who are deployed with cameras; FIT spotters, who collect detailed “intelligence” based on observation; and PLOs, who took on the responsibility for obtaining information through dialogue. All this was fed back to Bronze and Silver Commanders.

The police have always insisted that PLOs are not used primarily for data gathering. However, there are numerous reasons why protesters have been unable to believe this:

Former FIT officers re-emerging as PLOs

Take CO 89 Sergeant Holland, for example – these pictures show him in as a FIT officer at the student demonstrations in 2011 and as a PLO at a counter Olympics march in 2012

Sgt Holland on FIT duty at a student demo in 2011

Sgt Holland as a PLO at Olympics Missiles protest in March 2012

Public admissions of intelligence gathering by PLOs

2011

A former Assistant Metropolitan Police Commissioner Lynne Owens told the Home Affairs Select Committee about mass arrests of UKUncut activists at Fortnum & Mason and said:

Q12: We do need to improve the intelligence picture, but our ability to arrest over 200 people at the weekend gives us a very good starting point in terms of building that picture.

 2012

Chief Inspector Sonia Davis, head of the Police Liaison Teams (PLT) unit in the Metropolitan Police, gave evidence as a prosecution witness in the trial of Critical Mass cyclists arrested on the evening of the Olympics opening ceremony. Under cross-examination, Davis admitted that PLTs gather information on protesters and had even been covertly deployed at previous Critical Mass rides to try to identify ‘leaders’.

2014

A review of the policing of anti-fracking protests in Balcombe West Sussex, confirmed that PLOs played “a pivotal role in the operation” by “interacting with the protest organisers” and as a result, “there was intelligence, including open source, to suggest the protest would escalate”. The report complains that it was unclear how PLOs fed back the intelligence they had gathered to their senior officers and concludes:

This is a common issue with usage of PLO teams as a relatively new tactic within UK policing. Consideration of the deployment of a dedicated PLO Bronze may help ensure that important intelligence is appropriately considered within the command structure and that an appropriate intelligence sterile corridor exists between those who are engaging directly with protestors and command.

Due to a blunder, it was possible to read sections of the review that were redacted: one section confirms the use of covert surveillance on campaigners

Video evidence of PLOs harassing an activist at home

In September 2012, the Guardian reported that two plain-clothes Sussex Police officers – one a former FIT officer – turned up at the home of a Brighton campaigner, claiming they were PLOs and asking questions about a forthcoming UK Uncut action in the town:.

In testy exchanges, one officer asks her repeatedly whether she is a member of UK Uncut. She replied that she did not think it necessary for her to say whether she was or not. She asked the officers why they thought she was a member of the campaign.

The officer replied: “Because I have seen you on many demonstrations, and you have been leading the demonstrations. I am not saying that you were the organiser, but you have been a leader on these sorts of things.”

He then asked her who is the organiser of the planned demonstration. She declined to answer his questions.

After passing her film to the Guardian, she said: “It was not building communication or dialogue at all – it was them coming to my house to intimidate me and attempt to gather information.”

What PLOs’ Standard Operating Procedures tell us

In 2013, Netpol obtained the Standard Operating Procedures for Metropolitan Police PLOs, which confirms that “[Police Liaison Teams] are likely to generate high-quality intelligence from the discussions they are having with [protest] group members”. It also says:

“all PLT officers must ensure all intelligence is recorded on Crimint” [a criminal intelligence database] and all intelligence obtained during an event “is passed to Bronze Intelligence for analysis and dissemination to Silver and the rest of the Command Team (in the same way as any other intelligence)”.

See below for a full list of documents released by the Metropolitan Police under this Freedom of Information request.

Numbers of PLOs in English and Welsh police forces

This is a snapshot based on information on the number of officers who had receiving PLO training by the end of October 2013:

PLO_training_England_Wales
Police forceNumber trainedPolice forceNumber trained
Cheshire15Merseyside1
Derbyshire3North Wales5
Essex12North Yorkshire3
Greater Manchester37Northumbria14
Hertfordshire12South Wales28
Humberside6South Yorkshire40
Isle Of Man2Suffolk1
Kent13Sussex45
Lancashire16Thames Valley3
Leicestershire2West Midlands35

Source: response to Freedom of Information request, [, 83kB] – College of Policing, October 2013

An earlier Freedom of Information request [, 32 kB] from January 2013 confirms 30 trained PLOs in the Metropolitan Police, with the intention to increase this to 60 officers.

Scottish police forces have now merged into Police Scotland – accurate figures for PLOs are currently unavailable,

PLO procedures and training materials released by the Metropolitan Police

Standard Operating Procedure for the Operational Deployment of Protestor Liaison Teams (PLT’s) in the MPS  – 374 kB

Police Liaison “Gateway” Team – aim and roles  – 75 kB

Public Order Actions Book   – 1.05 mB

Public Order Courses – Police Liaison Team Course  – 72 kB

Public Order Command & Protest Liaison Teams (PLTs): Course Outline  – 100 kB

Timetable – Protestor Liaison Officer Course  – 19 kB

Presentation – Crowd Psychology and Communications  – 268 kB

Presentation – Engagement and Involvement  – 134 kB

Presentation – Human Rights  – 184 kB

Presentation – Protestor Tactics – An Introduction for Police Liaison Teams  – 734 kB

Police Liaison Team Officer Role Profile  – 77 kB

Police Liaison Officers – Warning Placards

You can download these placard designs to use at future demonstrations.

DownloadDownloadDownloadDownload

Posts about Police Liaison Officers on this site

NETPOL https://netpol.org/police-liaison-officers

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Tweet – KillTheBill

Police & Crime Bill is currently before parliament. Wide variety of folks are opposed to it because of restriction on enviro, protest, unions, attacks on travellers & criminal trespass. Please organise. Recent speech at protest youtu.be/Kx0_4Nf5Y28 @NottmGreenFest #killthebill

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a very cross anarchist

Whoever lays their hand on me is a usurper and a tyrant;

I declare them to be my enemy…..

Government is slavery.

Its laws are cobwebs for the rich, and chains of steel for the poor.

Pierre Joseph Proudhon,  Paris   1848

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Tyranny

“When tyranny is abroad,

submission is a crime”.

Andrew Elliot (Early American Rebel)

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Not much to add really, just one less ….

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RECLAIM THE 90s!: Parallels and differences between the CJA and the policing bill and routes to resistance

For more about the CJA, check out my ‘historical’ site at: https://alanlodge.co.uk/OnTheRoad/cja

There’s been a ton of commentary since the new policing bill was thrust into public consciousness by the police attack on the Sarah Everard vigil in Clapham. A lot of it has drawn comparisons with the struggle against Thatcher’s Poll Tax , a real solid working class victory we can all be proud of. However, it’s unlikely to play out that way. The new bill doesn’t make the mistake of targeting every adult in the country at once. It targets people and groups who have already been demonised in the right wing press: Extinction Rebellion, Black Lives Matter and the GRT community. The lesser known, but more obvious jumping off point would be the campaign against the CJA.

KILL THE BILL

The Criminal Justice Bill 1994 was the last hurrah of Tory law and order before Blair came to power in ’97 . It was an attempt to, in one fell swoop, criminalise a growing counter culture and political movement, aimed squarely at travellers , ravers , eco activists , live exports campaigners, hunt sabs and squatters. Having smashed organised working class power in the 80s with the Miner’s and Wapping disputes the Tories turned the attention to those aforementioned methods of escape from neo-liberalism, and the resistance to it. 

It was still possible (for some) to escape from a life of low pay and rental accomodation by squatting or living in a van, undermining the ability of the elite to discipline the working class. If life inside the system was being made intolerable, why not step outside it?

There were emerging new forms of resistance, focussed on ecological issues, the anti -roads and Reclaim the Streets movements are well known, the fight against live exports and the subsequent growth of the animal liberation movement less so. 

Meanwhile new forms of “escape the drudgery” hedonism were invented as the rave scene crossed over with the free festival circuit. People getting out of the city and off their heads on the weekend were confronted with the new age travellers and the most subversive truth of all “It doesn’t have to be like this”. Obviously this had to be crushed!

This attempt to push this through as one act was designed to play well with the Tory base (the culture war is nothing new). Michael Howard, the Home Secretary called hunt saboteurs “Thugs, bullies and wreckers”, John Major, P.M said to one Tory conference “New Age travellers, not in this age , not in any age”. 

The attempted criminalization of so many at once sparked the creation of genuine grassroots coalition that transformed into an anti capitalist movement. The first year of resistance to the CJB saw mass defiance, mass trespass (including on the roof of parliament!) , raves in Trafalgar Square and riots in Hyde Park. The protest culture it targeted only grew stronger and more radicalised.

The Land is Ours!

Central to this new act and the CJA is the struggle over land: who owns it, who has access to it and who can use it. This is not so much an anti capitalist fight as an anti feudalist one. Wat Tyler would have, in an instant, grasped the essence of this fight, this enclosure. The same struggle engaged in by Gerrard Winstanley, the Kinder Scout trespassers and thousands more.

The CJA created the offence of “aggravated trespass”. Aimed at hunt sabs and tree protestors it criminalised what had been for over a century a civil matter by making trespass with the “intent to disrupt lawful activity” illegal. Other sections of the act gave the police draconian power over temporary encampments. The sections of the act criminalising free parties and the “series of repetitve beats” were also triggered by the landed gentry’s fear of the temporary seizure of the property for illicit purposes.

The new legislation goes much further and simply criminalises the act of trespass itself. This will impact all the same targets and further strengthen the rights of the propertied over the propertyless. Mass trespass and an assertion of our right to the land have to be part of this new (and ancient) struggle.

Extra parliamentary resistance

This time round we find ourselves in the same position, but worse. Half of all the carbon ever emitted by fossil fuel extraction has been since the 90s. The culture war is fiercer. Doom is upon us. With the failure of the Corbyn project we have no parliamentary representation, nor the prospect of any. (Maybe the odd voice, Zarah Sultana or Caroline Lucas, maybe some amendments in the Lords but no prospect of defeating this legislation through parliamentary means). Blair’s government was to enact various expansions of the CJA, with new Police, Criminal Justice and Public Order acts coming thick and fast, each bringing in new restrictions on the right of assembly.  A ‘law ‘n order’ Starmer government (however unlikely a prospect) would be much the same. 

Resistance has to be  on the streets and consist of direct action and disobedience. The act has to be made unenforceable. There were a few big marches in London and even a couple of riots but ultimately the struggle continues. Organised defiance of the act and the support of those victimised for breaking it will be key. It was widely assumed that the introduction of aggravated trespass as a criminal offence would be the final note for its intended targets, the hunt saboteurs. Hundreds were arrested, many taken to court and huge police resources were thrown at ending the sabs, but they’re still here! Thousands more were nicked during the road protests but ultimately it was the Tory road building program that was sunk. Squats are taken and free parties still happen.

Coalition building – the anti roads movement and anti capitalism

The coalition against the CJA morphed into a movement. Obviously the roots were already there but the synergy of moving together brought a new intensity and bigger numbers. What worked about it was perhaps largely accidental, firstly the organised Trotskyist left never gained a commanding position, so despite some efforts there was never a steering committee. Secondly while there were numerous media projects associated with the struggle e.g SchNEWs, Squall, Indymedia (later on) , Do or Die, Undercurrents and others , all of them were voices of the movement, not the voice of the movement. So rather than a forced amalgamation, there was something of a co-evolution. This gave space for a diversity of tactics. 

There were  huge debates within the movement about violence and non violence initially, the whole”fluffy” v “spikey” debates. In hindsight these were quite fruitless and a massive distraction. There has to be respect for different forms of struggle. Both dogmatic pacifism and violent posturing proved to be dead ends. 

The movement broadly developed in an anti-capitalist direction, despite the fact that the the rave and road protest scenes particularly were more based on New Age spirituality and what would now be considered tinfoil hat conspiracy theorising (lots of Druids, Khaos Sword Magick and leylines). By 1999 , the movement’s high point, it was hosting “The Carnival Against Capitalism” on June 18th , a global day of action called by the Zapatistas. 10,000 people, masked, with no identified organisers, no speeches and no police liaison danced and then rioted in the Square Mile, the financial centre of London. 

Noisy defeats and quiet victories.

One thing that became obvious during the anti- roads movement was that once the diggers and bulldozers were moving on a given site , the fight was lost. But that wasn’t the end. All the high profile sites that became famous like Newbury, Fairmile or Solsbury Hill are all under tarmac now. But tens of dozens of other sites were saved as the road building programme collapsed. 

In the early 2000s the government floated the idea of compulsory national I.D cards. There was a brief groundswell of resistance and despite having spent millions they folded their hand. I’m in no doubt that this was due to the Poll Tax struggle and the lesson they learned that they couldn’t make all the people angry at once and hope to stay in control.

Another important victory was that over the introduction of genetically modified crops. A real cross class alliance was built over this and a struggle that involved everything from letters to M.Ps, village hall meetings to night time sabotage and mass trespass and vandalism. The fight over fracking looks to be heading the same way!

The lesson is that demonstrating resistance on one front and causing problems, even if you lose, can mean you don’t have to fight elsewhere. Fighting now brings the opening for a new future. See you on the streets.

http://squallmagazine.com/

www.schnews.org

John Lilburne – Freedom News

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