Nottingham protests at yet more council cuts and the closing of the Marcus Garvey Centre Including speech by Shuguftah Quddoos, the EX- Sheriff of Nottingham. As a counsellor, she resigned from the Labour Party rather than approve the cuts to services provided by Nottingham City council. Samsung S24 Ultra – 4K Video 3840 x2160 #nottingham#cuts#services#samsung#S24ultra
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Join Promote Shetland for live coverage from the Lerwick Up Helly Aa evening procession. The event begins at 7.30pm UK time and the livestream will begin broadcasting shortly before. A replay will be available afterwards. Find out more at https://shetland.org/fire or https://www.uphellyaa.com/
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Speech by Shuguftah Quddoos, the EX- Sheriff of Nottingham. As a counsellor, she resigned from the Labour Party rather than approve the cuts to services provided by Nottingham City council.
A former Sheriff of Nottingham has resigned from the Labour Party after being sanctioned earlier this year for voting against what she describes as “devastating” cuts to the city’s most vulnerable residents.
Cllr Shuguftah Quddoos, who represents Berridge ward, was suspended from the party having defied orders at a marathon seven-hour budget meeting on March 4.
During the meeting the budget was reluctantly approved, with some Labour councillors stating they had been forced to pass it “under duress”.
They had been warned they had a legal duty to set a balanced budget, meaning it was approved despite overwhelming discontent.
Cllr Quddoos was the only councillor to go against party orders to vote the budget through.
As she announced her resignation, she told the Local Democracy Reporting Service (LDRS) she had been inspired by the Poplar Rates Rebellion in East London in 1921.
Thirty Labour councillors had defied the government, their party and even served time in prison for contempt of court after refusing a court order to collect higher taxes on the borough’s poorer residents.
Their stand-off ultimately led to the passing of a bill to better equalise tax burdens between the rich and poor.
However, Cllr Quddoos said she was left “surprised” when she realised she would be the only councillor to rebel on the night.
The budget plans for the current year included 550 job losses, a council tax rise of five per cent, and cuts to youth services.
Cllr Quddoos says she does not feel residents are being listened to, and is fearful of more devastating cuts in the next budget round.
As a result she has decided to resign as of Thursday (November 28) to serve as a councillor independently.
“People before party has always been my political compass,” she said in her resignation letter, shared with the LDRS.
“That is why, back in March, I chose to vote against the devastating budget cuts being imposed on Nottingham. I was fully aware beforehand that I would be suspended from the Labour Party as a result.
“Now the budget for 2025 is being written. It is likely that the cuts in it will be just as damaging as the cuts made in 2024, if not more so.
“The people who will be most impacted by these cuts are going completely unheard. If I cannot speak up for them in the way they want me to without being sanctioned for it, I cannot remain in the party.”
Nottingham City Council, which is controlled by the Labour Party, will soon publish its budget for the financial year beginning April 2025.
The authority, which declared effective bankruptcy towards the end of 2023, is facing a £69m gap, rising to a cumulative £172m over the next three years.
“I understand the pressures the council is under and that there are no easy answers,” Cllr Quddoos’ statement continues.
“We’re lucky to have so many brilliant minds in Nottingham who want to be part of the solution, but the rapid pace of the cuts is getting in the way of real community partnerships.
“The kind of collaborations we need don’t happen overnight. A community centre can be sold overnight but once gone, it won’t come back. I will never be the type of politician who sits quietly by ‘with a heavy heart’ when essential services I once relied upon are taken away from others.
“The residents, foodbank volunteers, campaigners and small business owners I have spoken to in recent months feel alienated by the scale of the cuts and the way they are being handled.
“People want to see councillors truly stand with them, rejecting the idea that more austerity is the best thing for our people right now, and for future generations.
“In a city with significant deprivation that ranks amongst the highest in the country for child poverty, asking residents to endure greater hardship for less in return is simply not economically or socially sustainable.
“I intend to continue to work with campaigners, fellow councillors and others to save what public services we can.
“I welcome the reconsideration on library closures and hope to see a positive outcome. Ultimately, however, what Nottingham needs is a fundamental transformation in how local government is structured and funded.
“To fight for that, I must be able to speak freely – and I cannot do so in the Labour Party as it stands.”
It is understood the investigation into her had not concluded when she resigned.
A Labour Party spokesperson said: “The new Labour leadership at Nottingham City Council is focused on taking the tough and responsible decisions to fix our local authority, and it is making progress.
“We will continue to focus on this work as a team and get on with the task at hand for the people of our city, not be distracted by sniping from the sidelines.”
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It is due to the courage of victims that we are learning why these undercover officers behaved as they didThu 28 Nov 2024 18.57 GMTShare
Even for those familiar with parts of the stories about women who were deceived into intimate relationships with undercover police officers, the evidence that has emerged in recent weeks has been shocking. The litany of destructive behaviour either carried out by, or caused by, officers deployed to spy on campaigners, who were mostly active in leftwing causes, is being laid bare as never before: self-harm, heroin use, unprotected sex leading to emergency contraception, coercive control and the sudden abandonment of female partners and children.
On Tuesday, Belinda Harvey told the public inquiry how she was manipulated by Bob Lambert, who tricked at least three other women into relationships as well. The son he had with one of them, and abandoned as a toddler, did not learn the truth for decades. The Metropolitan police has since paid the son an undisclosed amount, along with £425,000 to his mother, known as Jacqui.
Next week, Mr Lambert will face questions about who authorised the tactic of targeting and seducing young, female activists – and why he employed it so many times. Last month, another undercover officer testified that Mr Lambert had “bragged” about fathering a child. The Met has already admitted that the decision by the head of the covert unit, Tony Wait, not to take any action when he learned about the pregnancy was “wholly wrong”. The inquiry has also heard evidence that another manager was told, and did nothing.
What makes all of this even more shameful is that it is only due to the tenacity of the victims – including women whose personal lives were derailed by these exploitative relationships – that these deceptive practices were ever uncovered, and set before a judge, at all. In their jointly authored book, Deep Deception, five women described how they found out that they had been systematically lied to by former partners – in some cases after decades of confusion and self-doubt. Mr Lambert stands out not only for the number of secret relationships he initiated and his alleged involvement in an arson plot, but also because his five-year deployment as a police spy in the 1980s was treated as a triumph. He was given a commendation and went on to run covert operations, including the one that spied on supporters of the murdered teenager Stephen Lawrence.
It is more than 10 years since this inquiry was ordered by the then prime minister, Theresa May. Dismaying delays in disclosure, and protracted battles over some officers’ requests for anonymity, have made the process painfully slow. It should not have taken so long to get to the point where Mr Lambert – who after leaving the police worked at several universities – must finally account for actions that hurt so many people. Two weeks ago, Paul Gravett became the fifth witness to claim that Mr Lambert played a role in a plot by animal rights activists to set fire to multiple branches of Debenhams in 1987, as a protest against the fur trade. An appeal by two men whose criminal convictions relied on evidence supplied by Mr Lambert is already in train.
It will be astonishing if the Met turns out to have championed and promoted an arsonist who caused an estimated £340,000 of damage. The women who were tricked into relationships, the thousands of other activists who were spied on up to 2010 and the families whose dead relatives’ identities were stolen by police all deserve huge credit for pushing for this process of discovery – and sticking with it.
Michael Marsden, Executive Dean of the Nottingham School of Art & Design
Expert Blog: The future of digital arts education
Though few people realise it, one of the fastest growing sectors in the UK right now is the creative industries – and at the centre of it is Nottingham.
Figures show that the sector’s value – measured as gross value added (GVA) – stands at around £124.6bn a year nationally, dwarfing other areas such as sport, tourism and more.
In a political climate which associates graduate jobs with STEM subjects, the creative industries is an economic powerhouse in the UK through its hundreds of innovative small businesses.
These SMEs are quietly providing careers to thousands of young people, allowing them to pursue roles which enable them to earn while satisfying their creativity.
In Nottingham, the number of creative design industry businesses has almost trebled since 2000, from 770 businesses to 2,175 in 2022. This is one of the largest growths in the sector since 2015 – outpacing even London.
So with this in mind, we are proud to be officially opening our Design & Digital Arts (D&DA) facility today, making Nottingham Trent University (NTU) the leading art and design school in the UK.
Featuring state-of-the-art technologies for the next generation of creatives to master, it will see young adults developing the skills needed for their future art and design careers.
Building on our 180 year heritage as a major UK educator in art and design, the project has led to the redesign of our creative courses portfolio, with new forward-thinking undergraduate and postgraduate degrees in subjects spanning games art, design and technology, visual effects, motion graphics, digital design, virtual production and more.
NTU’s Design & Digital Arts (D&DA) building
Part of the development has involved NTU’s amalgamation with Confetti Media Group, which includes Confetti’s campus in the city’s bohemian Hockley area – and a new campus which has just opened in London.
This investment adds to the city’s creative industries ecosystem, with Confetti Media Group, the Antenna creative business hub, the Dryden Enterprise Centre, music and events venue Metronome, e-sports venue Confetti X, Notts TV television studios, and more, all within walking distance of each other in Nottingham city centre.
And our education provision doesn’t end with students.
We’re making opportunities available to support businesses and professionals through research and knowledge exchange, which will span virtual environments, archives, heritage, culture, digital design and more.
We’re giving opportunities to working professionals to undertake short courses as part of their ongoing continual professional development, so they can keep up-to-date as the creative industries evolve at breakneck speed.
Access is available to our virtual production suite, digital innovation lab, black box studio, and more. It will allow professional filmmakers and NTU students alike to access one of the most advanced virtual production suites in the UK – the same tech used to make Disney’s Star Wars spin-off The Mandalorian.
So we’re incredibly proud and excited to invest in our new D&DA facility. It will position us at the heart of one of the UK’s most innovative cities, creating the best talent in one of the fastest growing sectors in the UK economy.
Michael Marsden is the Executive Dean of the Nottingham School of Art & Design
Thirty years ago, more than 500 activists united to save a street – and their actions marked a major turning-point in the environmental movement Steve Rose Tue 26 Nov 2024 10.00 GMT
Walking through Leyton, in east London, you could easily miss Claremont Road. It is hardly a road at all, but a stubby little side street between terrace houses that ends abruptly in a brick wall. But when it comes to the history of direct action, this could be one of the most significant sites in England. Thirty years ago, in November 1994, the scene here was very different: 700 police officers and bailiffs in riot gear marched into a significantly larger Claremont Road and waged battle against about 500 activists, who were dug in – some of them literally – against efforts to evict them.
The activists occupied rooftop towers, treehouses, underground bunkers and even secret tunnels. It took three days to get them all out. In retrospect, the “Battle of Claremont Road”, as it came to be known, was an almost unbelievable event. “I talk about the three C’s that underpin this type of activism: creativity, courage and cheek,” says campaigner Camilla Berens, who was there. “It set the template for the next 20 or 30 years of how to do responsible disruption.”
The reason for the battle, and the reason Claremont Road is now so short, lies behind that brick wall at its end: what is now the six-lane A12, also known as the M11 link road. The road had been planned since the 1960s, to connect east London to the north-east, but nothing happened for decades. In the interim, many of the condemned homes were vacated by residents and reoccupied by squatters and artists. (As a student, I squatted on Claremont Road for three years. I left in summer 1993.)
An old car with poles stuck through it in all directions is used to block Claremont Road View image in fullscreen Cars and shopping trolleys full of concrete were used to block the road. Photograph: Julia Guest By the 1990s, the Conservative government was determined to make good on Margaret Thatcher’s promise to carry out “the biggest road-building programme since the Romans”. Resistance from locals and environmental groups was growing, though, against schemes such as the M3 extension at Twyford Down in Hampshire (which went ahead), and the proposed east London river crossing through Oxleas Wood, in south-east London (which did not).
“The M11 link road was effectively the Cinderella of the three,” says veteran cycling campaigner Roger Geffen. Unlike Twyford Down and Oxleas Wood, the M11 scheme went through a poor urban neighbourhood, rather than an area of natural beauty, “but in a way, that’s what made it interesting,” he says. It was destroying the environment by uprooting trees and prioritising cars, but it was also destroying a community. This was the era of the Criminal Justice Act, targeting illegal raves, squatters and Travellers, which also passed in November 1994. The poll tax riots of 1990 had been another landmark. The Claremont Road protests were a “a joined-up mix of social and environmental motivations”.
At the time, Geffen had just moved to London. “I didn’t have a green brain cell in my head,” he says, but he had just taken up cycling. Weaving through the traffic-clogged streets, he says, he realised: “What I was doing wasn’t crazy. I was overtaking a lot of people in little boxes, and that was far crazier than what I was doing.” He joined the London Cycling Campaign, which led him into anti-car activism.
By the early 90s, the Department for Transport had begun repossessing and demolishing houses along the route of the M11 link road. In 1994, Claremont Road was the last street standing. “We realised that we needed to make a big focus of it,” says Geffen.
Activists built webbing up on the rooftops to evade police. View image in fullscreen Activists built webbing up on the rooftops to evade police. Photograph: Julia Guest “One of the first things we did was to barricade it and set up street furniture,” says John Drury, then a PhD student studying collective action. The street became something of a countercultural tourist attraction, with colourful murals and outdoor sculptures made of junk and a public cafe. Doug (not his real name), then an unemployed activist, says: “There was a real buzz, and it had a lot of energy, and everyone was really friendly, so I just started sticking around.”
As the inevitable showdown approached, preparations became more rushed. “We had to just throw everything at it,” says Geffen. Some protesters built wooden observation towers on top of their houses. “So we thought, OK, what happens if we build an absolutely huge tower?” This became “Dolly”, a scaffolding structure 30 metres (100ft) high, rising out of the rooftops. It was named after Dolly Watson, a 92-year-old former actor who had lived on Claremont Road her entire life, and was among the last of the residents to leave. She once told a reporter: “They’re not dirty hippy squatters, they’re the grandchildren I never had.”
Other ad-hoc battlements appeared: treehouses, connected to the houses across the street by webs of netting and walkways; roadblocks made out of cars and shopping trolleys filled with concrete. Some activists built underground bunkers in which to seal themselves – “very elaborate womb-like structures that involved lots of layers of mattresses, foam, metal and furniture,” Doug recalls. The idea was that whatever tool the police or bailiffs tried to use to get them out “would get gummed up”. The upper floors of several houses beneath the tower were knocked together to create a “rat run”, and the stairs up to them were removed, to make it harder for the police to reach the protesters.
Volunteers had been monitoring police compounds for signs of activity. The callout came on 27 November. “‘It’s the one, it’s the big eviction. Claremont is going to be taken,’” recalls Berens, a journalist who reported on the events for the Guardian. “I think the whole of alternative London turned up. There was a massive party the night before.”
The next morning, 28 November, an estimated 500 protesters were ready, remembers Neil Goodwin, a film-maker who recorded much of the siege: “The rooftops were packed; every bunker, every treehouse, on the nets, the landings, the walkways, up the tower – everyone was in situ.”
“The police turned up in the early afternoon,” recalls Mark Green (not his real name), another participant. “There were hundreds of them and they swarmed into the street in stormtrooper gear with batons raised. They were expecting a full-on riot. Instead they just found a bunch of hippies and local residents sitting around.” A sound system on the tower cranked up the Prodigy album Music for the Jilted Generation.
Activists on the rooftops with webbing and a 30ft tower that activists built in the background View image in fullscreen A 30ft tower was also built, with a sound system from which music blared out. Photograph: Julia Guest Things didn’t go as planned for the police. “They thought they were going to start by tackling the houses, and then they realised people had locked on to the road itself,” says Julia Guest, then an aspiring photographer. Activists had drilled holes into the asphalt, into which they had sunk lock-on bolts, which were covered over with sheets of metal with holes in them. The activists “lay down with their arms through the holes and locked their wrists on with handcuffs.”
The police and bailiffs brought in mechanical diggers, cherrypickers, ladders, hammers and crowbars; and every occupant made themselves as difficult as possible to remove. “I was in the loft at number 42, which I’d covered in corrugated iron and filled with tyres,” says Goodwin. “They had to prise us open, like a sardine tin.”
When the bailiffs eventually broke through that evening, Goodwin attached himself to part of the scaffolding tower with a bicycle D-lock, the keys of which he had chucked into a pile of tyres. “The bailiff pokes his head in, shines his torch around and goes: ‘OK, we’ll do this tomorrow.’ So they left, and I’m like: ‘I’m gonna be sitting here all night.’ So I said to people: ‘Could you see if you can find some D-lock keys?’” Luckily, they were just teetering over the edge of a gap in the floorboards.
Everyone remembers being cold and hungry, especially the first night. Few people had warm clothes, let alone sleeping bags. “After it got dark, someone led me down through a loft to warm up a bit,” says Green. “We then went through a hole in a wall and exited through a wardrobe, which was surreal, into a room where people were watching themselves on the news on an old black-and-white portable TV.”
By the second day, about half the protesters had been evicted. But, says Geffen: “The police were puzzled that people who they thought they’d evicted kept reappearing. Eventually, they got a metal detector out.” They discovered the activists had built a tunnel out of oil drums, running underneath the back gardens and into one of the houses on the next road. Supplies and people had been going back and forth the whole time. “When they found the tunnel, everyone on the tower and all the roofs just laughed at them.”
The longer the protest went on, “the more brutal the police and bailiffs became”, says Berens. Green says he saw people shoved, grabbed and falling from heights (though no one was seriously injured). “It definitely felt like there was a political element to it.”
The protesters “had a very strong commitment to non-violence”, says Geffen. “We needed to be acting in accordance with the values that we wanted to speak for. If we’re talking about environmental sustainability and sharing this Earth, and working in community, then violence doesn’t form part of that.”
By the end of the second day, there was only one protester left: Doug. “I kept moving,” he says. “If you live on a scaffolding tower for a few days, you can get quite good at swinging around. And they didn’t really want to chase me around in a game of cat and mouse.” Doug’s persistence extended the protest by another full day. The police even brought in a “hostage negotiator” to try to coax him down. “He pretended he was my dad, and was just concerned for my welfare.” Doug was not swayed. “I grabbed some rope, a saw and a few planks of wood, and I used them to make myself what was basically a coffin, which I slept in.” The police finally got to him the next morning.
A sign over the front of a house reading, ‘Please leave Dolly’s home alone’, referring to Dolly Watson, a 92-year-old former actor who had lived on Claremont Road all her life View image in fullscreen A sign referring to Dolly Watson, a 92-year-old former actor who had lived on Claremont Road all her life. Photograph: Julia Guest In the end, the police spent more than £1m evicting the protesters. The M11 link road still got built, of course. Nobody believed the campaign would stop it. “But what it did do,” says Drury, “was it turned the roads programme into a political thing. So, we won the moral argument, even if we didn’t win that battle.”
When Labour came into power in 1997, it cut the major road schemes inherited from the Tories from 150 to 37, and pledged to focus on public transport. It felt like a victory for the anti-car campaigners, but it did not last. By 2000, New Labour was committing at least £30bn to building and improving roads, and forecasting that another 2,500 miles of road would need to be built.
Several of the Claremont Road activists went straight on to form Reclaim the Streets in 1995, which performed guerrilla anti-car actions – such as blocking off public roads to hold impromptu “street parties” – across the UK and worldwide. It also paved the way for subsequent campaigns such as Plane Stupid, the Climate Action Camps, Extinction Rebellion and Just Stop Oil.
The protest changed the lives of many of those who took part. “That was the day that I crossed the line,” says Berens. “Before that, I was a journalist looking in and reporting on it, but because it was such an impressive campaign, and the people were so amazing, I became a committed activist.”
“It impacted me quite profoundly,” says Guest. She became a documentary film-maker focusing on human rights in Israel, Palestine and Iraq.
Paul Morozzo, one of the key organisers alongside Geffen, is now campaign director at Greenpeace. Drury is a professor of social psychology at Sussex university. Doug is a lawyer dealing with civic issues.
Green went on to design the famous Extinction Symbol, as used by Extinction Rebellion. He is less nostalgic about the event: “I found the overall experience cold, dirty and depressing,” he says. He doesn’t like to describe it as a “battle”. “That suggests an exchange of violence, whereas it was just a group of people passively occupying an area, with the only violence coming from the police.”
But like a battle, the event took its toll. As well as committed activists, the area and the protest attracted many people with drug and mental health problems, not to mention locals who were either uprooted or forced to live on the edge of a six-lane road. “I naively hoped it would be a spark for a wider and longer-lasting societal change,” says Green. “Instead, things have just got much worse since then than we could ever have imagined.”
Geffen received an MBE for services to cycling in 2015, and now heads Low Traffic Future. “What I’m now doing is still basically the same cause,” he says. “In the 1990s, transport, roads, cars were the central issue for the environmental movement, then we lost a lot of that momentum. Environmental campaigners have gone on to do some great things on energy … but transport is now the biggest-emitting sector of the UK economy, as well as being problematic in terms of air pollution, road safety, children’s ability to play in the streets and all the waste products of car culture.” He thinks the movement needs to focus again on transport.
Another action like Claremont Road is unthinkable now, given how far legislation has tightened against protest, public disorder and squatting.
“It breaks my heart,” says Guest, “because actions like that created a generation of people that have become acutely aware, and prepared to act on strong beliefs. That is, after all, the only way that anything that’s unjust gets changed. And if people are prevented from being able to freely connect with that sort of experience, then what sort of world is going to come next?”
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Photos: Matt Smith, Alan Tash Lodge, Gary Pfeiffer, Nick Clague @kush1969, Henry Ratcliffe
Tuesday 19 November 2024
Being home to two of the UK’s greatest underground house soundsystems, DiY and Smokescreen, Nottingham has been spoilt for quality deep house music – but what were the origins of these now legendary gatherings, and how did they fit into the politics of the time? We asked the individuals who lived out those joyful days firsthand about the history of sound-systems in Nottinghamshire and beyond.
Castlemorton Common, May 1992. (Credit: Alan Tash Lodge)
“You can’t choose your family, but you can with a soundsystem,” says Smokescreen Soundsystem founding member Laurence Ritchie. “Some would liken it to spirituality. We’ve become like a phonic family, a sonic commune that grows stronger over the years. It’s so much more than the sum of the parties.”
Two years after DiY Soundsytem was formed in 1989, another collective of like-minded friends was beginning to form in Sheffield, all outsiders to the city, looking for a welcoming space where they could enjoy their music peacefully. Influenced by the spirit of 1991, they decided to ‘do it themselves’ and started holding parties on a hill above the city. At first they struggled to find DJs and equipment, but it eventually came together with ease. It was when they saw DiY’s Simon DK heading up the hill towards them with his records that they decided to buy their own PA.
Sept 1992: Smokescreen club night (credit: Alan Tash Lodge)
A huge collective of people helped, flowing in a steady organic stream. An incomer always appeared as if by magic to fill any skill gap left by an outgoer. ‘Smokies’, as they’re affectionately known, put on kicking solo and link up parties all over, moving their base to Nottingham in 1997. Gav, former Giddy Fruit DJ, explains unassumingly how he came to join the collective: “I hung around with my record bag for long enough, and eventually they let me play.”
The crew went on to be one of the UK’s busiest, putting on a near-weekly party from 1993-4. “We had an inclusive, non-cliquey vibe and welcomed anyone who wasn’t an arsehole,” said Max. Fran, Rob, Andy, Tubby, Steve, Max and Gav gradually joined founding members Vicki, Laurence, Jon, Martin and their huge collective of helpers.
Like pioneering old-skool sound-systems like Spiral Tribe, Circus Warp, Bedlam, Lazyhouse, Exodus, DiY, Tonka, Pulse, Sweat, Techno Travellers and the Free Party People, Smokescreen wanted a better world, and for a moment they glimpsed one. Embracing a completely different way of life, they provided a joyful counter to the bleak existence of Thatcher’s 1980s and Major’s 90s. The early days seemed utopian, revolutionary almost. Inevitably, they weren’t allowed to continue unhindered.
When the Tory government announced its intention to make their culture illegal, Smokescreen joined All Systems No, a non-hierarchical collective of soundsystems envisioned by Alan (Tash) Lodge to raise funds to protest against the Criminal Justice and Public Order Bill (CJB), Clause 63 of which intended to criminalise gatherings of more than six people with “sounds wholly or predominantly characterised by the emission of a succession of repetitive beats.”
The collective funded coach loads of Nottingham’s protestors to attend the mass demonstrations against the CJB in London, as well as a van and a flatbed lorry with a side curtain loaded with DiY’s PA Black Box, ready for them to play with Smokescreen. Around 50,000 people protested, including The Shamen’s Mr C, who jumped onto their lorry, took the mic and in a surreal moment started rapping to the crowd of thousands.
All of a sudden dancing in a field felt political. When you have the long arm of the law encroaching on your life just because you want to go to a party, you become politicised by default
July 1994: the anti-CJB march in London, featuring the Smokescreen lorry flanked by police (credit: Matt Smith)
October 1994: ‘Battle of Hyde Park’ Anti CJB Protest with the Smokescreen and DiY sideloader lorry (credit: Matt Smith)
At the first two protests there was a festive feel at Trafalgar Square and on the march towards Hyde Park. The last one took a much darker turn.
“It went off big time in Hyde Park,” says Steve.
“There was a running battle with the police on Hyde Park Corner with charging mounted police and riot vans,” continued Andy. “The media had a field day with it.”
Anyone interested in learning more about the three CJB protests should check out the new fanzine: Tories are the Real Criminals by Sunnyside Soundsystem’s Matt Smith, activist and photo-historian author of Exist to Resist and Full On. Non Stop. All Over.
Crich Quarry, Amber Valley, Peak District. (Credit: Gary Pfeiffer)
Thirty years ago in 1994 the Bill became an Act, but it didn’t stop the free party movement, it just made it riskier. The fundraising collective defiantly changed its name to All Systems Go.
The meeting of dance and Traveller culture had led to a wild few years of non-stop partying for thousands every weekend, but ultimately the infamous, titanic 1992 Castlemorton party ushered in the end of a traditional free festival circuit and the start of a long struggle for Travellers, currently at an impasse. The passing of The Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act of 2022 has made a nomadic way of life, even a ‘single encampment’, illegal, punishable by prohibitive fines, vehicle seizure and even imprisonment.
The whole radical subculture came under attack. Masses of ordinary people united by their passion for music and dancing suddenly found themselves potentially criminalised.
“I think there was definitely a transition from naïve idealism to a more political stance post-Castlemorton,” says Andy. “All of a sudden going to a party felt political. When you have the long arm of the law encroaching on your life just because you want to go to a party, you become politicised by default. To be honest, we didn’t get into too much trouble post-CJA because our parties were relatively small and we took time to choose locations that wouldn’t piss people off.”
They’ve adapted to survive. So now when you go to their night at the Hidden Warehouse, whether you know it or not, you’re joining the tail end of three decades of defiant rebellion.
Smokescreen put on a now-legendary campout to celebrate their thirtieth birthday in 2022 (a year late due to Covid restrictions). “We recreated our natural habitat: friends and vehicles in a field with house music. Only this time we had a licence!” grins Steve.
Ringinglow 1996: Rob on the decks, Cle (Dallas), Tubby, Max and Jon (Credit: Gary Pfeiffer)
Laurence on the decks back in the day and Jon looking through records beside him (Credit: Henry Ratcliffe)
The events Smokescreen and DiY put on create what Hakim Bey terms ‘temporary autonomous zones’, pop-up moments and spaces that defy the normalising authority of social conditioning. Self-organising collective efforts like Smokescreen’s parties create utopian ruptures in the fabric of day-to-day reality
In the early days, technology such as mobiles and the internet had yet to become commonplace, so getting the details for a party was done through flyers, listening to pirate radio stations or asking friends for details of meeting points, directions or party line numbers. “You’d get hold of a number and the time to call it,” recalls one partygoer. “When you did, a recorded voice on an answer machine would give you directions to the party. Convoys of vehicles would congregate at random meeting points trying to figure out the next part of their journey.”
The culture’s peaceful, caring vibe was the opposite of the drunken violence that plagued the city centres.
“People changed,” said Laurence, “they realised they didn’t have to be like that, they could just be sound. I remember seeing this guy one sunny morning looking out onto a scene of happy people. He’d been clubbing before but out there in nature the walls had been removed and I think it was removing some walls around his mind, too. He kept smiling and nodding his head, saying: ‘Sound, sound.’ I asked him if he was alright, and he turned to me and said: ‘It’s just sound isn’t it?’ And it was. Sound.”
“Instead of being tribal suddenly everyone was being inclusive,” explains Rob.
“It happened to a lot of people,” continued Laurence. “It was actually a form of therapy because they could all just be themselves.”
Smokescreen’s influence has travelled across the UK and beyond. It’s inspired soundsystems such as the South West’s Deep Cartel, Bristol’s Duvet Vous?, and Lincoln’s Ultrasound, all of which were drawn to the more soulful sounds of deep house in a sea of harder music.
Reclaim the Streets was fun. Derby Road ended up getting blocked off for the whole of Saturday afternoon, decks on the ground, PA pumping, with people dancing and chalk-drawing on the streets
Smokescreen was the first soundsystem to provide an oasis of house at the Czech Teknival in 1997, leading to lifelong friendships. Gav created an offshoot of the scene in New Zealand when he moved there in 2015, having met his future wife in a club there while on tour with Steve as one half of production and DJ duo The Littlemen.
“I realised I wasn’t going to get a set where I’d moved, so I used the Notts blueprint of funky, deep house’s laid-back, unpretentious vibe and inclusive attitude and started a little underground scene in a rural backwater,” he says. Smokescreen also heavily influenced scenes in the US, Prague and Australia, he expands.
In September 1996 the group travelled to war-torn Bosnia, coincidentally bumping into Desert Storm soundsystem, who were on the return leg of an aid and party expedition, at a famous punk squat in Slovenia’s capital Ljubljana. Altered State’s author Mathew Collin travelled with them to document the journey for ID magazine. Those who want to learn more about the history of the party scene could do worse than read his book.
1997: Steve at Reclaim The Streets on Derby Road (credit: Alan Tash Lodge)
“We teamed up with other soundsystems and pro-environment direct action movement Reclaim The Streets for Nottingham’s own protest in ‘97,” says Fran. “Reclaim the Streets was fun. A months-long plan was delivered with precision. Derby Road ended up getting blocked off for the whole of Saturday afternoon, decks on the ground, PA pumping, with people dancing and chalk-drawing on the streets.”
They were also involved in the last few anarchic Travellers’ field parties outside of Glastonbury festival gates in ‘98, ‘99 and 2000 – parties up there in the crew’s top memories.
Dancing to deep house, especially outside and barefoot, helps nudge people’s outlook away from the norm
“It was a better party than inside Glastonbury,” explains Steve. “Michael Eavis came down on a tractor and gave us all tickets, but hardly anyone used them.”
“They didn’t bother with the festival, they were happy with us!” said Andy. “It was just one of those special times when everything was perfect. Four days of unbroken sunshine helped.”
“I first encountered Smokescreen in the Travellers’ field at Glastonbury ’98 and DJ’d on their rig there in ’99 and then 2000, when they rocked it for nearly a week right in the middle of the proper free festival the Travellers’ field had become,” explains Deep Cartel’s Dan. “Our crew got to know them properly in 2002 at the Steart beach party. Then at an anti-Glastonbury free festival at Smeatharpe, Steve, Paul [Deep Cartel DJ] and I shared a magic moment DJing together one sunrise. I remember Steve saying: ‘Us three – let’s keep it going!’ Smokescreen definitely helped inspire our inception, giving us the final push we needed to start Deep Cartel at Glastonbury 2000. Since Paul sadly died in a car crash in 2020 those memories are especially treasured,” he sighs. Deep Cartel celebrates its thirtieth birthday in 2025.
2022: Smokies campout (Credit: Nick Clague @Kush1969)
2022: Max and Fran at the thirtieth birthday campout (Credit: Nick Clague @Kush1969)
Quite a few members of Smokescreen have had successful DJing and production careers. Andy Riley elaborates: “Laurence and I exported the Smokescreen sound around the world through our label Drop Music. We DJed a lot in the States, Europe, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Russia, India… all over. We don’t travel like back in those manic days anymore. Lately we’ve had a few tracks remastered through other labels. We plan to release a three-part vinyl compilation with some previously digital-only tunes, plus some brand-new tracks, so watch this space.”
Smokescreen offers peace, love and unity, bringing together people from all walks of life, connected by a fundamental love of music and dancing. “Dancing to deep house, especially outside and barefoot, helps nudge people’s outlook away from the norm,” according to Darren, activist and social sculptor who co-founded Deep Cartel soundsystem with Dan in 2000. “It knocks their consciousness out of its conditioning, showing them life from another perspective, one closer to ancient ways of gathering, such as around fires, and accompanied by a hypnotic rhythm, inducing a sense of connection to the ancientness of the land. Basically it’s humans getting raw on the earth,” he concludes. These spaces, which he calls ‘temporary temples’ – interrupt everyday patterns of stuck behaviour and enable people to make leaps of imagination and perception. They are transformative.
Not a bad culture to build and inspire.
“Loads of people got connected through it,” said Steve. “We’re all still together, people got together and had families, our kids grow up to be part of it, everyone feels safe and we’re still going. There must be something in that, mustn’t there?”
An ongoing diary of stuff, allsorts, and things wot happen ……
I am a photographer with a special interest to document the lives of travelling people and those attending Festivals, Stonehenge etc, what the press often describe as ‘New Age Travellers’ and many social concerns.
With my photography, I have tried to say something of the wide variety of people engaged in ‘Alternatives’, and youths’ many sub-cultures and to present a more positive view.
I have photographed many free and commercial events and have, in recent years, extended my work to include dance parties (’rave culture’), gay-rights events, environmental direct actions, and protest against the Criminal Justice Act and more recently, issues surrounding the Global Capitalism.
Further, police surveillance has recently become a very important subject for me!
In recognition of this work, received a ‘Winston’ from Privacy International, at the 1998 ‘Big Brother’ Awards. The citation reads: “Alan Lodge is a photographer who has spent more than a decade raising awareness of front-line police surveillance activities, particularly the endemic practice of photographing demonstrators and activists”.
I am based in Nottingham, UK.
Quotes & Thoughts
“Cowardice asks the question, ‘Is it safe?’ Expediency asks the question, ‘Is it politic?’ Vanity asks the question, ‘Is it popular?’ But, conscience asks the question, ‘Is it right?’
And there comes a time when one must take a position that is neither safe, nor politic, nor popular, but one must take it because one’s conscience tells one that it is right.”
Martin Luther King Jr.
“In Italy for 30 years under the Borgias they had warfare, terror, murder, and bloodshed, but they produced Michelangelo, Leonardo da Vinci, and the Renaissance.
In Switzerland they had brotherly love – they had 500 years of democracy and peace, and what did that produce? The cuckoo clock!!”
Harry Lime [Orsen Wells] The Third Man 1949
“Civilization will not attain to its perfection, until the last stone from the last church, falls on the last priest.”
Emile Zola
“….I have an important message to deliver to all the cute people all over the world.
If you’re out there and you’re not cute, maybe you’re beautiful, I just want to tell you somethin’- there’s more of us ugly mother-fuckers than you are, hey-y, so watch out now…”
Frank Zappa