Quote : “Alan Lodge’s photographs (figs.xx,xx) at Stonehenge capture that pre-rave, free festival pilgrimage. They are as important to me as Homer Sykes photographs, he was so clearly part of this movement rather than a photojournalist reporting on it. Stonehenge has been a pilgrimage destination for thousands of years The structure remains the same; the people making that quest have just changed.”
First off, a disclaimer: this review is going to be biased. Why? Firstly, because Dreaming in Yellow is a veritable treasure trove for anyone documenting the free party scene of the early 1990s. When I started reading it I did so with a pad of post it notes next to me, and by the end there were over twenty stuck to its margins to indicate events that weren’t yet on my radar or existing entries to which I would add quotes from the book. Part of the reason for this is that few details on their parties have been offered up by DiY peeps on this page. So if you’re out there, let me know! I’ll be adding quotes from the book in the future but if you can help me fill in the gaps that would be very helpful, ta! The second reason for this bias is that it’s impossible to separate my personal connection to DiY from the reading experience.
Dreaming in Yellow is a heartfelt account of a memorable era, and it’s so humorous that it’s up there with Jane Bussmann’s Once In A Lifetime in terms of rave books that convey the sheer unbridled reckless euphoric fun we had back then. Sure, it’s balanced out with some political rants, but the sense of enjoyment never really disappears. The story takes the DiY bunch from ‘wide-eyed idealistic chancers’ to ‘battle hardened, veteran chancers’. One of the myriad reasons the publication of Dreaming is welcome is that no-one who ran a soundsystem back then had written their own account. Another reason, and it’s related to the first, is that there hasn’t been too much written about DiY. They were wary about playing the fame game and keen to be seen as what they really were, a collective, refusing requests for ‘a couple of faces’ to put on their magazine’s cover. One black and white image in the excellent photograph section includes the whole collective, each of them obscuring their own face with a strategically placed 12″.
The back story on how DiY came about, as well as Harrison’s own pre-acid-house roots in the punk and free festival scenes are, for me, just as interesting as the main events of ’91 to ’93 that my blog usually concerns itself with. Attending free festivals from a young age, Harrison bears witness to a change from bands to DJs, from violence to peace. He sees the tribes coming together and notes that, before electronic dance music and ecstacy hit, free festivals were dying a slow death.
Harrison’s love of music is a driving force, and of course it did not start with acid house. He, like his late friend and DiY co-conspirator Pete ‘Woosh’ Birch, is devoted to Factory Records and he finds Blue Monday inspirational. For this reason I can perhaps just about forgive him for being on the ‘wrong’ side of the Smiths divide. I hate The Smiths, I mean, I did try, and Meat Is Murder is a cracking name for a song, but I just find them too, I don’t know, whiney. Otherwise there are more than a few intriguing mentions of music Harrison enjoyed in his youth, so I did end up using some of my stack of post it notes to indicate bands and tracks he lists for later reference.
While still at school, he was disappointed that his mum didn’t let him go to see Joy Division supporting the Buzzcocks. Later on though, she took him to see New Order at the Haçienda: “And as I sat in my mother’s Ford Fiesta heading up the M60 back towards Bolton, wide-eyed and electrified, I wondered idly what would happen if this new electronic medium was cross-pollinated with that lust for freedom and chemical experimentation I had witnessed in a field near Blackburn or allied with the angry political purity of Crass.” During his school days, one of Harrison’s teachers had a dim view of him and his friends, dubbing them the armpit gang. He visits his first free festival in 1984 or thereabouts.
The scene started in the ‘unsettling political environment’ of 1980s Thatcher-ruled Britain. The book of course touches on this, but also joins the dots from the events of Paris in ’68 to ’70s free festivals to pioneering anarcho-punks Crass to the tragic events of The Battle of the Beanfield in ’84 to Castlemorton Common, the Woodstock of the Rave Age.
In pre-acid house times, subcultural student/dole life involved ‘ a gleefully ramped-up diet of hot knives, psychedelics and amphetamines’. I can’t say things were any different for us in South West Dorset. As with our bunch, one of the staples was Psilocybe Semilanceata, aka the Liberty Cap fungus, and like us, a pressing concern was the choice of a driver on mushroom-picking expeditions, to be frank, a driver who wouldn’t be too tripped out to be behind the wheel.
When E came along it ‘moved the chemical goalposts’. Unfortunately, as was the case with the author, my first E experience was rather disappointing, but things picked up after that. Their first proper rave, an expensive Biology event, is similarly lacklustre, leading them to conclude ‘we could do better ourselves’.
The collective’s house parties, organised by then core members Harrison, Digs (now Grace Sands), Woosh, Simon DK, Jack, and others, kicked off in 1989. That year also witnessed the first time a house sound system was brought to a free festival. This took place, according to the writer, at Avon Free Festival (Avon Free was the weekend which ended up being Castlemorton three years down the line, just in case you didn’t know). The festival took place at Inglestone Common, and it was Sweat who brought the rig. Details on this are scant, but I have created a post about it so, dear readers, feel free to add details if you can remember any!
The outlaw Blackburn warehouse parties, witnessed by an enthusiastic Pete Birch in 1990, led them to gleefully realise that acid house had ‘turned political’. On the other hand that same year saw the Freedom To Party campaign and rally in Trafalgar Square. Harrison is critical of this, and rightly so. Even though the massive pay raves of 1988 to 1990 were responsible for bringing the culture to the masses, for many of the organisers the bottom line was now the only thing that mattered, and the freedom they desired was simply the freedom to make millions. Another disappointing trip down south in 1990 (Energy at Docklands, a licensed party which somewhat pathetically ended at 11 which Harrison likens to being ‘trapped in the Top of the Pops studio on bad drugs for hours’) gives them even more motivation to do it themselves.
1990 was an important year for DiY for other reasons, not least Glastonbury Festival. At Glastonbury that year, along with Tonka and Circus Warp, DiY gave the traditionally band-oriented Travellers’ Field a well-deserved kick up the arse. It wasn’t all easy going though, as the music was slated by some as ‘that disco shit’, and access to the sound system and tent was only secured thanks to a weekend-long ‘running battle’ fought between DiY and ‘various other factions’. Harrison holds that this was ‘the first real moment of synthesis between the travelling community and the urban sound systems’. Other pivotal events include the legendary Pepperbox Hill parties near Salisbury that summer, and the violent busting of a DiY party in Dorset later in the year. The first Pepperbox parties weren’t DiY affairs, but, after some of their DJ’s played at one, Harrison joined them for their party in September. Unfortunately, so did the police, who threatened the organisers until the decision was made to pack up. Then, at Bloxworth, in the autumn, police took a harder line, ‘pushing and striking partygoers randomly’ and wrecking sound equipment after having had the music turned off. It was clear to Harrison that the police weren’t there to enforce a particular law but to ‘teach the ravers a lesson’. This is followed by another bust, this time at a disused airfield in Hampshire, where a cop told them that they were ‘too scruffy’ to be rave promoters.
Although he’s evangelical about the combination of intoxication and house music, he doesn’t deny that there were casualties. By 1994, as was the case with many of us, DiY were guilty of letting hedonism overshadow politics. Hitherto, according to Harrison, these unusual bedfellows had been in a kind of equilibrium. For us lot in Dorset, the pills and potions became the most interesting aspect of the parties, and people started to look at other, less ecstatic ways to alter consciousness. I know this was the case in many other communities at that time.
At a free festival in ’91 DiY came across Spiral Tribe for the first time, finding them ‘surprisingly together’. Harrison chatted with some of them, finding them relaxed and friendly, and came to the realisation there was more than enough room for both crews on the festival scene.
1991 was also the year in which DiY become ‘slightly wary’ of the big free festivals. The number of noisy rigs was increasing, as was police and media attention, so they begin to experiment with smaller scale outdoor parties, often in collaboration with their progressive traveller friends who had by then moved up north. DiY seemed to be wisely wary of disturbing travellers living on site with their families. This sensitivity was not shown by some of Spiral Tribe, who on occasion had a very different approach to their temporary hippy neighbours at the festivals. DiY as a collective realised that traveller sites were not, in the long run, the best locations for parties: ‘Better to take a temporary site for a night and day than attract unwanted attention to a living space’.
People have made assumptions that all the sound systems and travellers knew about each other’s events and joined up when they could, but the connections were somewhat looser than that, and the U.K. actually had enough travellers and ravers to occasionally sustain two major parties or even festivals the same weekend (for example, there were two Summer Solstice festivals in 1991, one at Longstock and one at Peasedown St. John). Lechlade, which DiY didn’t go to because they were putting on a legendary party elsewhere the same weekend, happened without their knowledge.
For us lot, that is, the Dorset people I went raving with back then, DiY was a name we had heard many times. My first encounter with them probably occured thanks not to a party but to a Pezz tape which I still treasure. That progressive sound from ’92 is what really got me hooked, although I usually heard it on sound systems belonging to Frequency Oblivion, Lazy House, Democracy, Prime, Vibe, or any of the anonymous South West crews.
My second encounter with DiY was their tent at the Mind Body Soul and the Universe pay rave in 1992. I wrote about it at length in another post, so all I want to tell you here is that their Bounce tent was a welcome sanctuary from the tops off gurnathon on the rest of the site. Listening to the tapes from that night (I swear I can hear the moment where I jog the decks by dancing frenetically on the platform), there’s a rather sweet moment when a DiY person (Harrison, perhaps?) promises the dancers protection from the muggers roaming the site.
DiY’s New Year’s Eve party near Bath the same year received glowing reviews, but (again) I didn’t make it. The first main reason we didn’t get to attend many DiY dos was that by the time we started going to free parties on a regular basis in 1992 and 1993, DiY’s parties were further north than they previously had been. This was at a time when free parties were being organised much closer to home. Aside from that, when DiY played at festivals they were often just one of the rigs present, alongside more techno sound systems like the Spirals, and because a couple of our friends were hanging around with the Tribe, that’s where we ended up spending our time although most of us loved the kind of house DiY were known for.
Many people were doing what Harry Harrison and his friends did in the U.K. in the 1990s, and many of them were the heroes and heroines of their own local scenes. One might think that one of the people responsible for a rig with a reputation such as DiY’s might want to show off and take all the glory, but no. Not only does Harrison spend a hefty portion of the book making sure he’s named most of the people involved in the collective effort that is DiY, but he also spends time crediting the people responsible for other rigs that were essential parts of the scene.
Harrison’s take on Castlemorton is refreshing, due mostly to the fact that he includes the police reports of the time. Unlike the confrontational and non-stop on-top make some fuckin’ noise Spirals, DiY left Castlemorton earlier, carefully arranging for the rig to be smuggled back to Notts separately from their main transportation. Not long after this they decide that festivals were ‘too much hassle’.
Spiral Tribe’s go-to man for pithy soundbites and catchy slogans was Mark Harrison, whereas DiY had the ‘gobby’ Harry Harrison. The two had a surreal encounter at Castlemorton where they discovered they were actually both Mark Harrisons. This confused friends of the DiY Mark, who couldn’t understand why they were seeing quotes about techno attributed to Mark Harrison, considering he was such a diehard house head.
In their decades together it goes without saying that DiY (like the rest of us) got up to all sorts of naughtiness, often, but not always aided by hallucinogens, stimulants, and euphoriants. Dreaming, like Once in a Lifetime, provides a very long and very funny list of these, but here’s a quick teaser in the form of three of my favourites:
The collective get chucked out of the Haçienda. Twice. On their own night. ‘Worse than the Happy Mondays’ is the verdict from the club.
They clip Jeremy Healey’s ‘annoying bondage trousers’ to the stairs at a boat party.
At a club night Sasha couldn’t make it to, a reluctant Pezz is asked to masquerade as him.
Free parties cost money, which may surprise anyone who hasn’t been involved in organising one. The custom built Black Box rig alone was worth £12,000 and the loan had to be paid off every month. Other unexpected costs would also drain the bucket of donations, for instance the cash used to bribe a reticent farmer into letting the party on his land go on a few hours longer, or the £100 bribes used to persuade a meat-selling cafe and an ‘arythmic’ drum circle to leave a DiY club night. Other factors beyond their control helped to empty their kitty, or at least slow down the rate at which it filled up, for example the bouncer at one club night letting punters in the back door without giving DiY a cut. When Harrison asks the owner to stop this, he’s told to fuck off.
In the long term, then, there wasn’t much cash coming in when DiY were throwing weekly free parties and barely-profitable club nights. This was apparently one of the motivations for starting a record label, a process which is catalogued towards the end of the book. The jury still seems to be out on the wisdom of going into business: Harrison even now feels ‘plagued’ by the question of whether they ‘should have got an office and attempted to play the capitalist game or should have stayed as idealistic party renegades’. Their attempts to play the game were half-hearted or non-existent. They refused, for instance, to do the press interviews demanded by Warp.
Almost twenty years after my first encounter with DiY, I attended an old school festival in Cornwall. I knew that some of the DiY DJs would be playing but I didn’t expect them to have the legendary Black Box rig in tow. I asked someone early on in the weekend whether they were the original speakers from the 1990s and they said no. Later on that night, an unmistakable wave of warm bass pummeled into my ribcage and I realised that it just had to be the same old rig, an observation later confirmed by someone else. I have to admit that I was a tiny bit disappointed they weren’t playing the old records. I’d still love to hear them playing some classics, but having said that, they’re probably sick to the back teeth of hearing them!
I disagree somewhat with a handful of Harrison’s views, one of which is his take on what a free party is. As a part of his argument he explains that some have held that the first free parties were ‘conventional club nights’; it would be interesting to know who proposed this misguided notion. As for his own points, I can see no reason why ‘events for which no payment were demanded’ could not be considered as being among the first free parties to take place, provided they are unlicensed, for instance the first Hedonism event. Even though there were ‘four walls [and] security’ the licensing authorities had no idea of its existence and it certainly didn’t end at 2 in the morning. Contrary to what Harrison suggests, many free parties (including some of DiY’s) happened indoors, although of course it is worth noting the significant difference in atmosphere as opposed to an outdoor party under the stars, or one in a tent or under a tarp. Contrary to his suggestion, security was of course present at many free parties, although no-one would have called it that, and often the arrangements were made far more informally and much less visibly than at paid events.
Harrison is right though in suggesting that the ‘free’ in free parties connects them to the past in that they are outgrowths of the seventies free festival movement. The surprisingly widely circulated position that a free party is only a proper free party if it is connected to travellers is thankfully not one expressed in Dreaming. Although there were of course many of this type that DiY and their cohorts were involved in, this is certainly not the only formula.
However, as a free party historian who made one ill-fated attempt to start a soundsystem compared to someone who founded and helped to run one for decades, our perspectives are obviously going to differ, and that’s absolutely fine, inevitable, even! I neglected my monitors somewhat, birds nested in them after I abandoned them in a friend’s woodshed.
So what’s the winning formula for a free party? That’s complicated and outside the remit of this review, but something I’d like to add is that it’s not about how large the parties were. This is something I have believed for a long time, and it’s great to see Harrison agreeing. Some people think it is about size, but it really, really isn’t: ‘At the end of the day, it matters not about the size of the party, it is the vibe that is all-important’. The best nights of my life have been spent in the company of a mere barnful of fellow ravers. That, dear reader, is all you need.
One Eye on the Road including ….. Free party Clubbing Free Festivals Stonehenge Beanfield Travellers Protest / CJA Reclaim the Streets …… and so on onwards !
If you have a smartphone that includes a good quality photo and video camera then you will be able to film the actions of the police during a stop-and-search, if you choose to do so.
Here are a few basic suggestions that may help you to be better prepared, can ensure that filming the police makes a difference and can ensure that your footage has genuine value as possible evidence.
Why stop and film?
Ordinary people stopping and filming the police using stop-and-search powers can mean that officers behave differently than they would if no-one was watching and recording their actions. This might make the experience for the person who has been stopped far less intimidating or threatening.
The more often the police are filmed stopping people, the more officers may come to expect that they may be filmed in the future. This can influence the way they generally treat people and help to influence whether they routinely use stop & search powers indiscriminately.
If police officers act unlawfully, filming them can help provide evidence if there is a formal complaint or if someone is arrested.
Can I legally film the police?
The Metropolitan Police’s own guidelines (adopted by all police forces in Britain) make clear that “members of the public and the media do not need a permit to film or photograph in public places and police have no power to stop them filming or photographing incidents or police personnel”.
There is no law stopping anyone filming in a public place, so if you are on the streets you can film without asking permission.
However, under Section 58A of the Terrorism Act 2000, police officers can stop you from filming them if they believe that the video will be used for purposes of terrorism. However, police guidelines state that:
“It would ordinarily be unlawful to use section 58A to arrest people photographing police officers in the course of normal policing activities, including protests because there would not normally be grounds for suspecting that the photographs were being taken to provide assistance to a terrorist. An arrest would only be lawful if an arresting officer had a reasonable suspicion that the photographs were being taken in order to provide practical assistance to a person committing or preparing an act of terrorism”.
This law does not – or at least should not – apply when you stop to film the police stopping and searching people.
What to remember when filming a stop-and-search
When the police use their stop-and-search, it is already a humiliating experience for the person who has been stopped, so it is worthwhile asking them if it’s OK to film or take photos and assuring them you are just filming the actions of the police.
Sometimes the police will try and stop you filming by saying it ‘breaches the privacy’ of the person being searched. You can get around this simply by asking the person who has been stopped, “I’m here to make sure the police don’t do anything to you they are not supposed to. Is it OK if I film what the police are doing?”
If there are two people with smartphones, it is worthwhile both of you filming. Either both film the officers conducting the stop-and-search or one person can focus on filming the other person with a camera if the police are harassing them.
If police officers try and say you are obstructing them in their duties, simply step back, say “I have no intention of obstructing you” but hold your ground and carry on filming. Remember that legally they have no power to stop you from doing so.
Focus on the actions of the officers. Your priority is to collect evidence. Make sure you record police abuse, threats or orders. If nothing interesting is happening, it might still be important to keep the camera rolling, but keep it focused on the police.
Film the officers’ numbers: police officers are supposed to wear them, usually on their shoulders, and this will help to identify them. As well as filming their numbers, you can also read out their numbers on camera, which can help pin officers down later.
Don’t film the person being stopped & searched unless it is absolutely necessary to show what officers are doing to them. You want to avoid becoming a police evidence-gatherer, even inadvertently. Even if the person being stopped & searched is happy for you to film them, it is best not to film their face or any identifiable clothing.
It may not be in that person’s interest to be identified on YouTube undergoing a stop-and-search. Don’t film or upload anything that the police can use against the person who has been searched, such as swearing.
It’s important to try and film some sort of landmarks, such as a street sign or major building at the end of your video. This will prevent the police from saying that your video is of a different event.
Using your smartphone to record
These are some really basic tips to remember that will help you capture better video footage:
Keep calm and focus on recording what you see, rather than getting involved in what you are filming.
Make sure you hold your camera sideways rather than upright (in the horizontal ‘landscape’ rather than vertical ‘portrait’ position) so you avoid taking photos or video that looks very narrow and often lacks context (such as what other officers are doing).
Keep your phone still! Avoid moving it around, try and keep a clear and steady shot of important events. If you are having problems with this try focusing your eye on something in the top corner of the screen, this should help. Avoid zooming in and out all the time.
Try not to speak too much or to add a ‘director’s commentary’ – it will distract from what the officers are saying and you may miss out catching something important or discriminatory.
After you’ve finished filming
Keep the footage safe and back it up as soon as you can.
When the person who has been stopped and searched is hopefully let go by the police, it’s worthwhile asking if they want to swap details so you can pass them the footage if they need it.
If you are uploading examples of violent or oppressive policing to YouTube or Vimeo, then let us know. E-mail info@netpol.org
Please remember the widespread availability of police brutality footage can mobilise some, it has also traumatised many. Maybe we need some ground rules: take a look at this very helpful article on this issue.
What if you are arrested?
Remember, police officers do not want incriminating footage of them if they are acting unlawfully. This can sometimes leave you as a target so remain mindful of this when you are recording, in case they try to arrest you.
If you are arrested, officers can search, seize and retain data from your mobile phone, provided that they have a reasonable belief that it contains evidence of an offence. In some cases, however, police officers will simply take the phone without your permission and look through it in search of any evidence they can use to incriminate you.
If your phone is taken, the police can only retain it for as long as it is necessary to search through it. After this, you can ask for its return.
Nadia Edith Whittome, Labour MP for Nottingham East, (centre, holding word ‘Solidarity’) heads the march: “Putin has committed war crimes – we must condemn his regime in the strongest terms,” she said. (Photo Credit: Anna Batoryk)
Trade unions representing membership from across Britain came out onto the streets of London on April 9 to show their solidarity with Ukraine. It was billed by the Ukraine Solidarity Campaign as a historic moment, the first time the union movement in the UK had taken up the cause of Ukraine. Eight trade unions including the general union GMB, the train drivers’ union ASLEF, the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), the union of transport staff TSSA, and the Communication Workers’ Union (CWU) converged onto Downing Street to make their voice heard.
Back in Ukraine, the Confederation of Free Trade Unions and the Federation of Trade Unions of Ukraine, were officially supporting the demonstration, as were the Independent Trade Union of Miners of Ukraine and the Free Trade Union of Railway Workers of Ukraine, who had been at the forefront of resisting Russia’s invasion. Sadly, railway workers were amongst the dead when a barbaric Russian missile attack killed 52 people on April 8.
Chants of ‘Stop Putin, Stop The War’, and ‘Refugees Are Welcome Here’ could be heard at the rally, which started in Parliament Square, went towards Victoria Embankment and ended up within earshot of the prime minister’s residence in Downing Street, where the speeches began.
More than 500 turned up, but journalist Paul Mason said those present should be proud of themselves. “We have a small crowd, but the unions we represent are more than 2 million workers.”
Pete Radcliff, organiser of the Ukrainian Solidarity Campaign in Nottingham, said: “We need to make sure the next protest doesn’t have 500 or 1,000, but tens of thousands and hundreds of thousands. We know the support and solidarity with the Ukrainian people is there in the Trade Union movement, and we need to build on it.”
Radcliff said there was a serious crisis on the Left of the British political spectrum. “We have people who believe that Russia is anti-imperialist. They forget the many wars conducted by Putin – Grozny in Chechnya which was levelled – in Syria, with the tyrant Assad, he murdered up to 500,000 people. We know what Putin is about.
“The Left and people in the Labour movement need to realise that and act on it. This is not NATO’s war. This is Putin’s war, and anyone who propagates the lie that this is a war of NATO expansionism is doing Putin’s dirty work for him.”
Nadia Edith Whittome, Labour Party MP for Nottingham East, said: “Putin has committed war crimes – we must unequivocally condemn his regime in the strongest terms. We are here today to tell the people of Ukraine that the labour movement stands with them against Putin’s unprovoked war.
Labour MP Nadia Whittome (left) getting ready to speak at the rally (Photo credit: https://ukrainesolidaritycampaign.org)
“We stand with them in their struggle for democracy, for self-determination, to live their lives in peace. We’re also here today to support Russian anti-war protesters. They risk jail and persecution for their actions, but they will go down in history as heroes.”
Whittome was critical of Tory politicians for receiving big sums in donations from Russian oligarchs. She also demanded that refugees from Ukraine be made more welcome.
She went on: “Once the headlines have moved on, our government has lost interest, we must commit to standing in solidarity with the Ukrainian people for the long haul. Because I know that no matter how long it takes – Putin will lose this war. The Ukrainian people will not give up until they are free.”
Chris Kitchen, general secretary of the National Union of Mineworkers, said his members were throwing their weight behind supporting Ukraine. “We back the Ukrainian people so that they can reclaim their rights and country, which is the right of everybody. We should be giving them assistance in military and humanitarian aid. The atrocities we are seeing on our new reports cannot be allowed.”
John Moloney, assistant general secretary of Public and Commercial Services union, said the rally was a physical show of solidarity and that his union was one of the main movers behind the demonstration.
He was concerned that not all refugees fleeing from Ukraine were being treated equally. “When we hold our next national executive meeting we want to invite the State Employee Union of Ukraine to join us on zoom,” he said.
Ian Murphy, regional secretary of the Communication Workers Union and Vinnie Micallef, branch secretary of East London CWU, said their members had raised funds and donations to send two 40 foot juggernauts of humanitarian aid. Mr Micallef said: “We stand in solidarity with the people of Ukraine.”
Vicky Blake, president of University and College Union, said that since the war had started, five and a half million children had their education disrupted and two million had left Ukraine. “We support educational unions in Ukraine and our national executive is calling on the withdrawal of Russian troops in Ukraine,” she said.
Barbara Plant, president of GMB, who represents more than 600,000 workers, said: “We stand in solidarity with Ukraine, which is in our thoughts, hearts and in our prayers. GMB stands in opposition to Putin’s war, and we also salute the brave Russians that stand against Putin’s Russia.
“Millions of Ukrainians have fled their homes in fear of their lives and have gone to European countries. We need to provide them with safe refuge and the Tory government must show them that they are welcome.”
Marko Bojcun, a retired university lecturer, called for the withdrawal of Russian forces and harsher sanctions. He said: “We are fighting for our existence and the right for self-determination. Russia will have to pay, and Ukraine will overcome.”
Iryna from Siberia said she wanted a legitimate president, not a criminal. “I hate being Russian right now. Putin is slaughtering thousands of innocent people under the pretence of ‘de-Nazification’. What is that? Can somebody tell me?”
“Putin is openly saying that Ukraine is not a real nation. I want a real opposition in Russia, with freedom of speech without fear of being arrested. I want them to go to Bucha and Mariupol and drop on their knees and apologise.”
Journalist Paul Mason said that when you look at the victims of the Kramatorsk railway station attack, when 52 people were killed, many of the civilians were working class Ukrainians. “It is the workers and the farmers who are victims of this war,” he said. “We need to get arms into Ukrainian hands to support the people.”
Journalist Paul Mason rallies those present and gets his message across. (Photo Credit: Tony Leliw)
Renowned campaigner Peter Tatchell said the war was a struggle between Ukrainian democracy and Russian fascism. Comparing it to the Spanish civil war, Tatchell said: “This is a people’s war where Russia must be defeated. Russia is led by a modern fuhrer, and the FSB is like a modern Gestapo. I do not like war, but in this extreme circumstance arming Ukraine is the only moral thing to do.”
Christopher Ford, organiser of Ukraine Solidarity Campaign, said: “We need to expropriate all Russian assets and oligarchic property to pay for the reconstruction of Ukraine. Ukraine must be provided the arms necessary to liberate all of its territory.
“We must support a just peace, and oppose any partition, which is a position of appeasement. Ukraine is one country, from Lviv to Luhansk, Crimea to Kharkiv. In 1946 Nazi war criminals were hanged on Maidan. Putin must face justice and the Russian army be defeated in Ukraine.”
Elke Day carried a banner which read ‘Rubles for Tories – Rubble for Ukraine’. She said: “I am showing solidarity with Ukraine. They’re fighting for our freedom, risking their lives for us.”
Alison Cameron and Elke Day show their solidarity with Ukraine (Photo Credit: Tony Leliw)
Alison Cameron, a freelance translator, and who had worked in Chornobyl following the nuclear disaster, helping to acquire contaminated soil to be analysed in UK, said: “The Belarusian community is supporting Ukraine and is raising money to purchase vehicles for the military.”
Mick Antoniw, a Labour and Co-operative Senedd member for Pontypridd, who was unable to attend, said: “For me this demonstration is a historic breakthrough. The fact it’s being supported by some of the Ukrainian trade unions is the start of a whole new relationship.” Antoniw, the Counsel General for Wales, who has Ukrainian heritage, said: “Russian trade unions should be kicked out of all international trade union organisations. They no longer operate freely, and the UK and European trade unions should now build up their alliance with Ukraine.”
Tim Cooper, UNISON representative for Nottingham Hospital with Danylo Kachura, 20, a marketing student from Kyiv, giving their support for Ukraine (Photo Credit: Tony Leliw)
It was in 1994 that McDonald’s began a libel case against a postman and gardener from London. It took a decade for the case to be resolved, making it the longest-running libel case in English legal history.
In the late 1980s, Helen Steel and Dave Morris were active campaigners for a group called London Greenpeace and had distributed a leaflet that questioned the fast-food giants’ claims that their burgers were both healthy and good for the environment.
McDonald’s took offence and began a case against these, and other claims, made in the leaflet. The pair were unable to get legal aid and so faced the prospect of having to represent themselves in court. Keir Starmer was a young lawyer at the time and was keen to help – offering his advice for free.
The initial ruling in the High Court went in part against Steel and Morris and they were told to pay £40,000 damages. But by 2005 the pair had won their appeal to the European Court for Human Rights – and McDonald’s faced a PR disaster.
Joining Kirsty Wark are the “McLibel Two”, Helen Steel and Dave Morris, along with Timothy Atkinson who was part of McDonald’s legal team, and film maker Franny Armstrong who spent a decade following the case.
Excerpts from “McLibel”, courtesy of Spanner Films.
Presenter: Kirsty Wark Producer: Howard Shannon Series Producer: David Prest A Whistledown production for BBC Radio 4
The origins of DiY Sound System date back to a mid-‘80s England that was a very different place to how it is in 2022. In many ways it was an England that was freer than today: you could still squat properties, still claim the dole while learning to play an instrument or put on parties, and the country was still host to a teeming underground of free festivals.
However, the Conservative government had also brutally smashed the miners’ strike, embarked on a post-colonial war in the Falklands and overseen record unemployment levels, while Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher declared that “there’s no such thing as society”. It was into this harsh political context that DiY was born: a high-impact collision between the British radical, anti-establishment culture of squatters, anarcho-punks, travellers and free-partiers and the birth of UK acid house.
As we chat over Zoom, DiY co-founder Harry Harrison, now a genial, laidback father of two living in Wales, is full of brilliant stories and joie de vivre as he happily recalls his role in some of the most revolutionary events in recent British cultural history. “We were in the right place at the right time,” he says. “It was the end of the free festival scene, that last gasp of Stonehenge and anarcho-punk, when Glastonbury was lawless — the world was very different then. And I think we saw ourselves as promoting that lawlessness but using acid house as the perfect weapon.”
The free festival scene Harrison refers to has largely disappeared, but throughout the ‘80s there was a calendar of outdoor free events, mainly attended by so-called ‘new age’ travellers, hippies, punks, post-punks, ‘crusties’, squatters and others on the fringes of society. It was a fiercely anti-establishment subculture and one that Harrison and co. soon came into contact with via the Nottingham squat and house party scene.
“We hung out with a load of anarcho-punks and they were hardcore, serious poly-drug users,” he recalls. “They were messy as fuck, but they also organised loads of benefits for the miners. And we were into animal rights too, so we smashed a few butcher shop windows, went hunt-sabbing for a few years, all those kinds of anarcho-politics. Then we went to free festivals at 16, 17 and it just blew my mind.”
That punk ethos would feed directly into the character of DiY, creating a unique take on the rave template that put community, freedom and non-profit at the heart of what they did. “That’s why we were called DiY,” continues Harrison, “it’s a punk thing: it’s don’t listen, don’t vote, don’t take any shit, do it yourself, learn three chords and form a band, but instead of learn three chords it was buy some decks, get a soundsystem.”
Harrison became an enthusiastic attendee of the free party scene. “We went to a festival near Blackburn in probably ’83 and there was a chalk board that said ‘Line of speed 50p, Line of coke a quid, Mushrooms £2.50! We were like, ‘Wow, when does the music stop?’ and they were like, ‘It never stops, it goes from Friday to Tuesday’. Unfortunately, the music was a bit shit, it was Hawkwind and stuff, God bless them and all that but it wasn’t happening. But then acid house crossed with the free festival movement, that was where we were at and we were instrumental in it.”
“Everyone at our gigs got 75 quid with a 20 quid ‘nipper bonus’ if you had kids. Everyone got the same, the lighting guy, the sound guy, the DJs, and if they didn’t like it they could fuck off and go and DJ somewhere else. We had our major DJs but they all lugged the gear at the end of the night”
By the time Harrison, along with Pete ‘Woosh’ Birch (who sadly passed away in 2020), Richard ‘Digs’ Down and Simon DK formed the DiY collective in 1989, they’d already been into house music for a few years. “The one thing we had in Nottingham was DJ Graeme Park,” says Harrison, “who was playing house at the Garage from ‘87 onwards. We started going there every Saturday, that was my first experience of house music.” The DiY collective included engineers and sound crew as well as DJs, and they put together their own custom-built soundsystem and began putting on free parties.
DiY’s anti-establishment stance remained solid for as long as they functioned as a unit. While the mid-‘90s saw the rise of the superclub and the gradual encroachment of capital into dance music, DiY remained resolutely underground, alternative, and committed to an egalitarian vision of the disco, one that was reflected in how they dealt with money. “What I’m most proud of is that we were a collective,” says Harrison. “Everyone at our gigs got 75 quid with a 20 quid ‘nipper bonus’ if you had kids. Everyone got the same, the lighting guy, the sound guy, the DJs, and if they didn’t like it they could fuck off and go and DJ somewhere else. We had our major DJs but they all lugged the gear at the end of the night.”
DiY’s free parties began in summer 1990. They were mostly small affairs at first because, as Harrison recalls, most people on the free festival/ traveller scene still weren’t into house music at this point. Every weekend over winter 1990 the DiY crew were in the south-west of England, where the travellers were, putting on their free house music parties. Harrison remembers a particular event in the free festival calendar at Chipping Sodbury at the end of May 1991 as a major turning point. Up until then, soundsystems playing dance music were looked down upon by many of the traveller and crusty crew, but for the first time, the festival was all sound systems and no bands.
“It was getting bigger and bigger, you could feel it growing,” continues Harrison, “and instead of sound systems getting shit, being told to fuck off into the corner because ‘that’s not proper music’, suddenly there was this force of numbers, suddenly there were thousands of young people there.”
“The government were already a bit pissed off about raves, but Castlemorton really blew the gaff”
Momentum continued to grow over the winter of ’91 and then came the first big event of 1992: the Avon Free Festival at Castlemorton common. It’s difficult to imagine now, a five-day-long completely free festival/rave, attended by tens of thousands of party-goers, with the authorities powerless to act against it. An estimated 20-50,000 attendees — nobody seems able to agree on the numbers — turned up to the biggest illegal rave in UK history in the shadows of the Malvern Hills and partied over a very long weekend.
“The sun shone for the entire five days,” remembers Harrison, “I’ve never seen British weather like it. God was definitely on our side… And no one really organised it. There we no flyers, mobile phones, it just came together organically. You could never recreate it now, it was just unique, it was our generation’s Woodstock. We set up on the Thursday night and we didn’t finish till Tuesday.”
Castlemorton is an event that has since gone down in history, its ripples felt for years afterwards. It marked the beginning of the end of the ‘new age’ traveller lifestyle and of illegal outdoor raves via the Tories’ Criminal Justice Bill a couple of years later. As Harrison says, “The government were already a bit pissed off about raves, but Castlemorton really blew the gaff. That was May 1992 and at the Tory party conference in September, [senior Conservative] Michael Howard said he planned to introduce legislation to make things like raves illegal — and the Criminal Justice Act was made law in November ’94.”
DiY were unique among the soundsystems at Castlemorton in that they played deep house rather than the hard techno that was adopted by many other UK travelling sounds like Spiral Tribe. “Castlemorton was nine soundsystems and I went to all of them and the music was just a nightmare!” says Harrison. “It was just appalling, nosebleed techno, 160 beats per minute! As well as house, we played John Coltrane, Grandmaster Flash, Public Enemy. People came to our tent and stayed for two days, it saved their sanity. Because we really believed in the music. I guess we really believed in the ecstasy as well but you can’t really say that anymore… But there’s something sacred that happens when you get the right people, the right music, the right drugs in the right place — it just doesn’t get any better than that.”
“We did some properly mad shit that makes me shudder when I look back, it was so reckless and lawless… I look back now in my mid-fifties and just think, ‘Wow’”
Harrison’s role in the collective, after an aborted attempt at DJing (“I couldn’t be arsed: too difficult, too expensive, too serious!”) was as organiser, galvaniser and promoter. It’s an essential job in the success of every UK underground party: the facilitator, that one mate with a big personality who by default ends up putting on events, the larger-than-life member of your crew who makes things happen.
“I was the brains!” he laughs. “The gobshite! At the height of our fame around ’93, ’94 we had 13 or 14 DJs and my job was to herd the cats. I was the organiser. We were a collective but I also thought in a Stalinist way that if I don’t DJ I can kind of control things. I guess I was the strategist, the organiser, promoter, gobshite and money launderer!”
Because of their music policy, DiY were uniquely placed to take their free party ethos outside the traditional UK free festival circuit. As Harrison says, “We played Cafe Del Mar in Ibiza six weeks after Castlemorton, that was the unique thing about us. We were part of the Balearic scene, the crusty scene, the club scene, the soundsystem scene. There’s no way Spiral Tribe are going to play at Cafe Del Mar and there’s no way that Brandon Block is going to play at Castlemorton, so that was our unique selling point I guess.”
DiY also ran their successful club night Bounce for five years till the late ‘90s. They toured the country and built a network of Bounce events in major UK cities, their legal endeavours partly subsidising the illegal parties. They also took their events to places like Paris, Ibiza and Amsterdam, to Atlanta, San Francisco and Dallas in the US and to Canada, Australia, and New Zealand.
And then there were the record labels. DiY put out a strong album in ’93 on Warp Records called ‘Strictly 4 Groovers’ before launching their Strictly 4 Groovers label in the same year. It ran till ’98 when it was replaced by DiY Discs. The Strictly 4 Groovers label featured beautiful mid-‘90s deep house like Crime’s ‘Rhythm Graffiti’ EP, To-Ka’s ‘Keep Pushing’ and ‘Good Together’ by Charles Webster and Pippa Jones as South Central, as well as music from members of DiY. DiY Discs continued in a similar vein with a series of deep releases from artists including Plej, Atjazz, Rhythm Plate, Stacey Kidd and Digs, Woosh and Mr Ski, building a reputation for high-quality underground house music.
However, nothing is static, certainly not in the wild world of clubbing, DJing and promoting. Over the last few years, the crew have met up and put on occasional events, making it all the way to their 25th and then 30th anniversary celebrations, but by the late ‘90s, Harrison says the DiY collective was “Fluctuating — there was quite a lot of addiction, quite a lot of mess, quite a lot of people moving, raising kids and so on…” Perhaps inevitably, real life had begun to infiltrate the dream world of the idealistic DiY. Gradually, parts of the collective moved on and went their separate ways.https://www.youtube.com/embed/9bUgtdAgClU?feature=oembed
Harrison originally wrote the first chapter of what became Dreaming in Yellow 20 years ago and was offered a publishing deal, but abandoned the project. “I’ve been waiting 20 years to write this,” he says. “I started it in ’98 when I had loads of time and no discipline. Then I had two kids and I had loads of discipline and no time.” He eventually finished it, fitting the writing around his job and family and it was speedily snapped up by Velocity Press.
“I just think it’s a fantastic story. We had some right scrapes, some outrageous behaviour, some truly moving moments: it’s just a fucking great story. DiY just never said no. It’s in the book but the core four of us, Digs and Woosh, Simon DK and myself, we did some properly mad shit that makes me shudder when I look back, it was so reckless and lawless. We smashed some police Range Rovers out of the way at a free festival in 1991… I look back now in my mid-fifties and just think, ‘Wow’.
It’s also a historically important story. I get emails every few months from sociology students who want to write about parties and protest in the ‘90s and need a quote. And I’ve not read anything yet that’s properly documented the sheer hedonism of the ‘90s.”
Looking back, now that the dust has well and truly settled on what Harrison refers to as “the intense battleground of the early ‘90s”, DiY’s legacy is perhaps clearer to see. They were a vital link between the traveller/‘crustie’ free parties and the wave of acid house hedonism that swept the country in the late ‘80s. DiY championed collectivism, celebrating the centrality of the group over the individual, pioneering a radically egalitarian approach to parties, where the power of music could change lives.
They set a standard, in terms of their music policy and the quality of their soundsystem but also in their not-for-profit approach — an approach that totally epitomised the very best of the UK house scene. “I meet people now and they say, ‘I came to one of your parties; it changed my life’. Still to this day. I think that’s our legacy,” says Harrison. “The music was vitally important; we thought we could change the world through house music and ecstasy. Maybe we did.”
Dreaming in Yellow: The Story of the DiY Sound System is out now on Velocity Press
Photography: David Bowen, Dilys Jones, Alan Lodge, Max Longtime, Matt Smith, Sharon Storer
Harold Heath is a regular DJ Mag contributor and freelance writer. Follow him on Twitter @HaroldHeathDJ
Dreaming in Yellow : The Story of the DiY Sound System Harry Harrison book launch at The Angel, Nottingham. Saturday 26th March 2033
Dreaming in Yellow : The Story of the DiY Sound System
Harry Harrison book launch at The Angel, Nottingham.
Saturday 26th March 2033
“…. If 1993 had been the year of DIY becoming a semi-legitimate busi ness, getting an office and studio, making music and travelling, then 1994 would prove to be the year of politics. All our endeavours, going right back to those early house parties, had been based on equality and collectivism, much like a workers’ cooperative. Essentially, this was socialism in practice; providing most of our events for free or certainly at low cost, everyone got paid the same and anyone with kids got a twenty pound ‘nipper bonus’. We felt as though we had been political throughout, then basically adding some excitement and colour to the mission statement of the old anarcho-punks, plus providing an income for dozens of people. Throughout this book, I have outlined how DiY had two main drivers: politics and hedonism. However, by 1994 we were perhaps guilty of letting the latter overshadow the former. And then, as mentioned above, at the tail end of 1993, Michael Howard, the vapid home secretary and future leader of the Conservative Party, announced the provisions of the Criminal Justice and Public Order Bill, shortened universally to the CJB, proposing to effectively criminalise our lifestyle.
When the White Paper was published, we quite literally could not believe the government was serious; it felt like a Situationist prank. It was Tash, as always, who obtained the White Paper. Tash, aka Alan Lodge, was another unsung hero of the free festival and party movement. Having quit his job as an ambulance driver many years before, Tash had gone on the road for many years before settling in Nottingham. Unlike the posturing nihilistic behaviour many anarchists, the real deal. Scrupulously organised, both with his huge library photos documenting the traveller lifestyle and with his political activism, was always Tash sent for various bills, statutes. was always Tash writing letters and attending demos, and always Tash heading down Parliament represent his people at committee meetings that most us wouldn’t even know about.
And now hour had come: proposed Act of Parliament which one could ignore, and so egregious in its provisions that an entire subculture rose to prevent becoming law. The CJB itself was real ragbag Tory prejudices strung together in desperate act of mollifying Middle England and holding off the resurgent Labour Party under its shiny new leader, Tony Blair. It was ill-conceived and badly drafted. The Bill would abolish the right to silence on arrest and criminalise trespass, both basic rights going back centuries, privatise prisons and allow for the potential introduction of prison ships, introduce possible life sentences for juveniles, and allow the police take and retain intimate body samples in preparation for a national DNA database.
But the most outrage was unquestionably aimed at Sections 63-66, which dealt with ‘raves’. That the authorities had even used the word ‘rave’ was astonishing. By 1994 it had already become an out-dated word and only used ironically among actual ravers. Coming from the Tories, sounded risible, the political equivalent of dad-dancing a wedding. The four sections made it firstly a criminal offence to organise a ‘rave’, if outdoors and with more than ten people in attendance, or if refusing to leave said ‘rave’ if directed to do so by the senior police officer present. For the above crimes, the penalty would be up to three months imprisonment and/or a Level 4 fine, that being up to £2,500. Section 64 would allow the police to enter the land on which the ‘rave’ occurred, Section 65 to arrest any individuals who attempted to get to the ‘rave’ when directed not to do so. Finally, Section 66 gave the police the powers to seize ‘sound equipment’ if they felt that the conditions above had been met. Most infamously, Section 63, Subsection 1, Paragraph b contained a legal definition of music so as to include ‘sounds wholly or predominantly characterised by the emission of a succession of repetitive beats’. In other words, the civil servants who had written the CJB did not consider what we played at raves to be ‘music’ and so had attempted to legally codify that word to include the racket that we made. This was madness, both laughable and sinister in equal measure, but we weren’t having it and began preparing for a fight. At an initial meeting at the Cookie Club in Nottingham, representatives of all the local sound systems, plus Tash, met to form a plan of war. We would organise demonstrations and benefits, raise money to publicise the evils of the CJB to the wider public, maybe record some tunes of repetitive beats to highlight our feelings of injustice and anger. It was genuinely a powerful moment when we all agreed on a plan of action, with solidarity among the systems. All we needed now was a name, an umbrella organisation and banner to fight beneath, and when someone proposed the name ‘All Systems No’, there was no discussion.
In London and the south, other groups were quickly formed, the Advance Party and the Freedom Network being the biggest. We travelled down to a community centre in Brixton to one of the Advance Party meetings, recognising many faces from Spiral Tribe and Bed lam and merrily taking the piss out of each other’s music. Shortly after, we attended another meeting at the home of Exodus collective near Luton, those guys having established a commune probably nearest in similarity to Crass of anyone in the whole rave movement and really pushing the boundaries of what an ethical house music collective could be. Nothing creates solidarity more solidly than a shared sense of injustice and feeling compelled to fight it, and for the next eight or nine months the different systems came together amazingly. Together we booked our old haunt, the Marcus Garvey Centre and held a series of fundraisers and all-nighters with a DJ from each crew playing and all monies going to the anti-CJB fund. …. “
played by the Nottingham Philharmonic Orchestra. To raise money for Ukrainian refugees Brian Clough statue, Market Square, Nottingham
Posted in.|Taggedprotest, standwithurkraine, ukraine|Comments Off on National Anthem of Ukraine + You” Never Walk Alone : Nottingham Philharmonic Orchestra
In summer 2022 Tate Liverpool will present Radical Landscapes, a major exhibition showing a century of landscape art revealing a never-before told social and cultural history of Britain through the themes of trespass, land use and the climate emergency.
The exhibition will include over 150 works and a special highlight will be Ruth Ewan’s Back to the Fields 2015-22, an immersive installation that will bring the gallery to life though a living installation of plants, farming tools and the fruits of the land. This will be accompanied by a new commission by Davinia-Ann Robinson, whose practice explores the relationship between Black, Brown and Indigenous soil conservation practices and what she terms as ‘Colonial Nature environments’.
Expanding on the traditional, picturesque portrayal of the landscape, Radical Landscapes will present art that reflects the diversity of Britain’s landscape and communities. From rural to radical, the exhibition reconsiders landscape art as a progressive genre, with artists drawing new meanings from the land to present it as a heartland for ideas of freedom, mysticism, experimentation and rebellion.
Radical Landscapes poses questions about who has the freedom to access, inhabit and enjoy this ‘green and pleasant land’. It will draw on themes of trespass and contested boundaries that are spurred by our cultural and emotional responses to accessing and protecting our rural landscape. Key works looking at Britain’s landscape histories include Cerne Abbas 2019 by Jeremy Deller, Tacita Dean’s Majesty 2006 and Oceans Apart 1989 by Ingrid Pollard. Ideas about collective activism can be seen in banners, posters and photographs, such as the Greenham Common Women’s Peace Camp banners by Thalia Campbell, video installations by Tina Keane, and a selection of photographs by Alan Lodge which include the Stonehenge Free Festival and raves in the 80s and 90s.
Reflecting on shared customs, myths and rituals, the exhibition emphasises how artists have reclaimed the landscape as a common cultural space to make art. Interrogating concepts of nature and nation, the exhibition reverses the established view to reveal how the countryside has been shaped by our values and use of the land. Key works looking at performance and identity in the landscape include Claude Cahun’s Je Tends les Bras 1931and Whop, Cawbaby 2018 by Tanoa Sasraku, while the significance of the British garden is seen in works such as Anwar Jalal Shemza’s Apple Tree 1962 and Figures in a Garden 1979-81 by Eileen Agar.
The exhibition will also consider how artists and activists have created works that highlight and question human impact on the landscape and ecosystems, shining a light on the restorative potential of nature to provoke debate and stimulate social change. Radical Landscapes will feature works that reflect on the climate and its impact on the landscape including Gustav Metzger’s dazzling Liquid Crystal Environment 1965 (remade 2005) and Yuri Pattison’s sun[set] provisioning 2019.
Radical Landscapes will be presented within an immersive, environmentally-conscious exhibition design by Smout Allen that creates a dynamic dialogue with the artworks. The exhibition will be complemented by a new publication, with contributions by leading and upcoming writers, campaigners, naturalists, environmentalists and social historians, offering a wide variety of voices on the subject of landscape. A diverse public programme will accompany the exhibition, taking place online, throughout the gallery, across the city and beyond into the great outdoors throughout the summer.
Radical Landscapes is curated by Darren Pih, Curator, Exhibitions & Displays, and Laura Bruni, Assistant Curator, Tate Liverpool.
An ongoing diary of stuff, allsorts, and things wot happen ……
I am a photographer with a special interest to document the lives of travelling people and those attending Festivals, Stonehenge etc, what the press often describe as ‘New Age Travellers’ and many social concerns.
With my photography, I have tried to say something of the wide variety of people engaged in ‘Alternatives’, and youths’ many sub-cultures and to present a more positive view.
I have photographed many free and commercial events and have, in recent years, extended my work to include dance parties (’rave culture’), gay-rights events, environmental direct actions, and protest against the Criminal Justice Act and more recently, issues surrounding the Global Capitalism.
Further, police surveillance has recently become a very important subject for me!
In recognition of this work, received a ‘Winston’ from Privacy International, at the 1998 ‘Big Brother’ Awards. The citation reads: “Alan Lodge is a photographer who has spent more than a decade raising awareness of front-line police surveillance activities, particularly the endemic practice of photographing demonstrators and activists”.
I am based in Nottingham, UK.
Quotes & Thoughts
“Cowardice asks the question, ‘Is it safe?’ Expediency asks the question, ‘Is it politic?’ Vanity asks the question, ‘Is it popular?’ But, conscience asks the question, ‘Is it right?’
And there comes a time when one must take a position that is neither safe, nor politic, nor popular, but one must take it because one’s conscience tells one that it is right.”
Martin Luther King Jr.
“In Italy for 30 years under the Borgias they had warfare, terror, murder, and bloodshed, but they produced Michelangelo, Leonardo da Vinci, and the Renaissance.
In Switzerland they had brotherly love – they had 500 years of democracy and peace, and what did that produce? The cuckoo clock!!”
Harry Lime [Orsen Wells] The Third Man 1949
“Civilization will not attain to its perfection, until the last stone from the last church, falls on the last priest.”
Emile Zola
“….I have an important message to deliver to all the cute people all over the world.
If you’re out there and you’re not cute, maybe you’re beautiful, I just want to tell you somethin’- there’s more of us ugly mother-fuckers than you are, hey-y, so watch out now…”
Frank Zappa