Links
Tag Cloud
- –
- 2023:
- 2024
- Advice
- art
- bill
- bristol
- castlemorton
- CJA
- diy
- exhibition
- festival
- free
- freeparty
- gallery
- green
- january
- killthebill
- law
- liverpool
- march
- nottingham
- nuj
- party
- photographer
- Photography
- police
- policing
- portrait
- pro-palestinian
- protest
- protests?
- quote
- radical
- rave
- slideshow
- Tash
- tate
- traveller
- travellers
- travellers,
- ukraine
- university
- winchestercourt
Tash on YouTube
- Nottingham protests at yet more council cuts
- Carrington VC Trumpet Call
- Take off from Malaga for Birmingham
- Landing at Birmingham from Malaga
- On the Road from Granada to Malaga
- Pro-Palestinian Protest, Nottingham 19 October 2024
- Tour of Britain Cycling Competition, Stage 4, through Hucknall. Friday 6th Sept
- Nottingham Carnival 2024 [180x edit]
- Green Festival Show @Broadway Gallery, Exhibition Walkthrough
- Green Festival, Broadway Gallery Edit. 60mins
- Nadia Whittome MP Speech at Gay Pride, Nottingham
- Birmingham Airport Monorail
- Landing at Birmingham. Returning from Porto. RyanAir Boeing 737-800
- Taking off from Porto, returning to Birmingham. RyanAir Boeing 737-800
- Catholic Parade at Matosinhos on Sunday, Porto
No feed found with the ID 3. Go to the All Feeds page and select an ID from an existing feed.
Archives
- December 2024
- November 2024
- October 2024
- September 2024
- August 2024
- July 2024
- June 2024
- May 2024
- April 2024
- March 2024
- February 2024
- January 2024
- December 2023
- November 2023
- October 2023
- September 2023
- August 2023
- July 2023
- June 2023
- May 2023
- April 2023
- February 2023
- January 2023
- December 2022
- November 2022
- June 2022
- May 2022
- April 2022
- March 2022
- February 2022
- January 2022
- December 2021
- November 2021
- October 2021
- September 2021
- August 2021
- July 2021
- June 2021
- May 2021
- April 2021
- March 2021
- February 2021
- January 2021
- August 2020
- June 2020
- May 2020
- February 2020
- January 2020
- December 2019
- January 2018
- December 2017
- November 2017
- October 2017
- September 2017
- August 2017
- July 2017
- June 2017
- May 2017
- June 2016
- May 2015
- February 2015
- September 2014
- August 2014
- June 2014
- April 2014
- February 2014
- January 2014
- October 2013
- September 2013
- August 2013
- July 2013
- June 2013
- May 2013
- February 2013
- January 2013
- December 2012
- November 2012
- October 2012
- August 2012
- June 2012
- May 2012
- March 2012
- February 2012
- January 2012
- February 2011
- January 2011
- December 2010
- November 2010
- June 2010
- April 2010
- February 2010
- January 2010
- December 2009
- November 2009
- October 2009
- September 2009
- August 2009
- July 2009
- June 2009
- May 2009
- April 2009
- February 2009
- January 2009
- December 2008
- November 2008
- October 2008
- August 2008
- July 2008
- June 2008
- May 2008
- April 2008
- March 2008
- February 2008
- January 2008
- December 2007
- November 2007
- September 2007
- August 2007
- July 2007
- June 2007
- May 2007
- February 2007
- January 2007
- December 2006
- November 2006
- October 2006
- April 2006
- March 2006
- February 2006
- November 2005
- October 2005
- September 2005
- August 2005
- July 2005
- June 2005
- May 2005
- April 2005
- March 2005
- February 2005
- January 2005
- December 2004
- November 2004
- October 2004
- September 2004
- August 2004
- July 2004
- June 2004
- May 2004
- April 2004
- March 2004
- February 2004
- January 2004
- November 2003
- October 2003
- September 2003
- August 2003
- July 2003
- June 2003
- May 2003
- April 2003
- March 2003
- February 2003
- January 2003
- December 2002
- November 2002
- October 2002
- September 2002
- August 2002
- July 2002
- April 2001
-
Recent Posts
- Facebook Pix : Celebrating the Syrian Revolution in Nottingham 14 December 2024
- Speech by Shuguftah Quddoos, the EX- Sheriff of Nottingham on the cuts 4 December 2024
- Photography : The only way to prove that you have been clubbed by a policeman 30 November 2024
- ‘If I cannot speak up without being sanctioned, I cannot remain’: Former Sheriff of Nottingham quits Labour Party 29 November 2024
- The Guardian view on the ‘spy cops’ inquiry: police lies are finally being exposed 28 November 2024
- Expert Blog: The future of digital arts education 28 November 2024
- How the battle of Claremont Road changed the world: ‘The whole of alternative London turned up’ 26 November 2024
- Left Lion : Smokescreen DiY Sound Systems 19 November 2024
- House and proud: a retrospective of Smokescreen Soundsystem 19 November 2024
- Landing at Birmingham from Malaga 7 November 2024
- Take off from Malaga for Birmingham 7 November 2024
- On the Road from Granada to Malaga 6 November 2024
- Alhambra, Granada. Spain 4 November 2024
- The undercover copper who spied on Keir Starmer and seduced the activist the young Leftie lawyer was representing. 25 October 2024
- Today in policing history: #spycop Bob Lambert sets fire to Debenhams Store, Harrow, 1987. 15 October 2024
- The Battle of Cable Street 4 October 2024
- Castlemorton Picture : Guardian online 28 September 2024
- Castlemorton picture in the Guardian again today 28 September 2024
- Photography Turns 200 Years Old Today 17 September 2024
- “That’s the new law. The one where you can lose everything” – The section 60 police powers to evict Traveller roadside camps – two years on 13 September 2024
An ongoing diary of stuff, allsorts, and things wot happen ……
I am a photographer with a special interest to document the lives of travelling people and those attending Festivals, Stonehenge etc, what the press often describe as ‘New Age Travellers’ and many social concerns.
With my photography, I have tried to say something of the wide variety of people engaged in ‘Alternatives’, and youths’ many sub-cultures and to present a more positive view.
I have photographed many free and commercial events and have, in recent years, extended my work to include dance parties (’rave culture’), gay-rights events, environmental direct actions, and protest against the Criminal Justice Act and more recently, issues surrounding the Global Capitalism.
Further, police surveillance has recently become a very important subject for me!
In recognition of this work, received a ‘Winston’ from Privacy International, at the 1998 ‘Big Brother’ Awards. The citation reads: “Alan Lodge is a photographer who has spent more than a decade raising awareness of front-line police surveillance activities, particularly the endemic practice of photographing demonstrators and activists”.
I am based in Nottingham, UK.
Quotes & Thoughts
“Cowardice asks the question, ‘Is it safe?’ Expediency asks the question, ‘Is it politic?’ Vanity asks the question, ‘Is it popular?’ But, conscience asks the question, ‘Is it right?’
And there comes a time when one must take a position that is neither safe, nor politic, nor popular, but one must take it because one’s conscience tells one that it is right.”
Martin Luther King Jr.“In Italy for 30 years under the Borgias they had warfare, terror, murder, and bloodshed, but they produced Michelangelo, Leonardo da Vinci, and the Renaissance.
In Switzerland they had brotherly love – they had 500 years of democracy and peace, and what did that produce? The cuckoo clock!!”
Harry Lime [Orsen Wells] The Third Man 1949“Civilization will not attain to its perfection, until the last stone from the last church, falls on the last priest.”
Emile Zola“….I have an important message to deliver to all the cute people all over the world.
If you’re out there and you’re not cute, maybe you’re beautiful, I just want to tell you somethin’- there’s more of us ugly mother-fuckers than you are, hey-y, so watch out now…”
Frank Zappa
On Being Watched All about my ‘BIG BROTHER’ …!!
‘Protest is the lifeblood of our democracy, and it’s under threat’
INTERVIEWS 4th February, 2022
Raj Chada, a defence lawyer who represented the Colston Four, says prosecuting demonstrators is becoming a ‘reflex’ in the UK.
Direct-action protesters risking arrest have always played an important part in the democratic process. Throughout history, demonstrators have been instrumental in forcing social and political change.
The Bill is the largest attack on the right to free speech probably since the 1930s
“Protest is the lifeblood of our democracy,” says Raj Chada, a lawyer who has been defending demonstrators in the courtroom for more than a decade – most recently the Edward Colston statue topplers in Bristol.
But it’s a long-held tradition that’s imperilled by threats of lengthy prison terms and hefty fines under the Conservative government’s Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill, Chada tells the Cable.
To prosecute demonstrators is becoming somewhat of a “reflex” in the UK, according to Chada. “And it’s being done,” he argues, “specifically because [government ministers] don’t like their political opponents.”
Police and Crime Bill: ‘An attack on the right to free speech’
He says it’s the “chilling effect” of the Bill that’s most dangerous, in that it seeks to stop people from protesting in the first place. Important demonstrations throughout history that affected parliamentary decisions might not have happened if this kind of legislation existed at the time, he says.
Take the Bristol Bus Boycott in the 1960s – a protest against the Bristol Omnibus Company over its racist employment policy. It was the first Black-led demonstration against racial discrimination in post-war Britain, and influenced the passing of the Race Relations Act 1965.
“This is a great example of radical history in Bristol and its ability to affect the national debate and national parliament,” says Chada. “And had some of these laws [proposed under the Bill] been in place then, would this protest have happened? Would these legislative changes have happened?”
He adds: “If Priti Patel was the homeland secretary in 1960s America, then Martin Luther King would be whispering from a car park outside Washington DC rather than having a dream in front of the Lincoln Memorial.”
“That’s the gravity of what’s being proposed.” And the proposed laws only highlight the importance of jury trials, Chada says, when members of the public have the final say on the fate of protesters.
A recent example of this, he says, is the trial of those who tore down Colston’s statue.
Jury trials: ‘A cornerstone of democracy’
Sage Willoughby, Milo Ponsford and Rhian Graham used ropes to help pull down the slave trader’s statue during a Black Lives Matter protest sparked by the death of George Floyd in the summer of 2020. Jake Skuse helped roll the monument to the floating harbour, where it was dumped in the water.
The defendants – known as the Colston Four – did not deny playing a part in the removal of the statue. But after being arrested and charged with criminal damage they all plead not guilty, feeling that their actions were proportionate.
On 5 January this year a jury acquitted all four defendants, after hearing the horrors of Colston’s involvement in the transatlantic slave trade and how Bristol City Council had failed to remove the statue despite years of campaigning. The statue itself was criminal, defence lawyers told jurors, and the protesters’ actions were proportionate.
The verdicts were hailed by many as an exemplar of the UK’s jury system in action, but some Conservative MPs raised concerns that they set a “dangerous” precedent and undermine the rule of law. An online petition calling for a retrial has garnered tens of thousands of signatures.
Chada, who represented Skuse during the trial at Bristol Crown Court, says it angers him that Tory politicians “deliberately” tried to undermine a jury’s decision. He says ministers recognise jury trials are a “cornerstone of British democracy” – but only when it suits them.
It’s “ridiculous” that politicians and some parts of the media have tried to present the verdicts as some kind of “vandals’ charter”, Chada says. He says: “It would be like saying that because you have an acquittal in a murder case, that sudden homicide has become lawful in the UK.”
The case was about the Colston statue and those defendants’ actions, he says. “It was nothing more, nothing less.”
Colston Four ‘should never have been prosecuted’
Chada says that it was clear to him that the Colston Four should not have been put on trial in the first place. It was the council, he says, that should have been in the dock. “They are the ones who failed to take any action about this statue, which caused such offence and distress.”
Chada, a former council leader of Camden council in London, says he finds it “slightly disturbing” that Rees and other political figures welcomed the statue’s removal yet allowed the Colston Four to be prosecuted.
“They welcome the removal of the statue, say it shouldn’t have been there, say it brought a reckoning with slavery and highlights various issues, yet they were letting four people face trial, face that angst and possibly go to prison.
“To me that can’t be right. What would have happened if they were convicted? If I was in their position I couldn’t have lived with that: effectively saying, ‘We’ve got all the positives out of it but [the defendants] – they’re collateral damage.’”
Rees denied claims that the council supported the prosecution, saying the local authority had been “asked to give a factual account of what happened and we provided it”.
‘Callous and calculating prosecutions’
Chada says the case of the Stansted 15 being charged with terrorism offences was another example of a prosecution that should never have happened.
The protesters – one of whom is from Bristol – broke into Stansted Airport in 2017 to stop a plane deporting people to Africa. They cut through the perimeter fence and locked themselves to a Boeing 767 jet.
They were convicted of a terrorism-related offence before the rulings were quashed in Court of Appeal. The Lord Chief Justice at the time said the defendants should not have been prosecuted for the “extremely serious offence”.
Chada, who represented the defendants, says: “They suffered distress after hearing they were being charged with a terrorism-related offence, with a maximum penalty of life imprisonment. And it was all done in error.”
He says that public authorities need to consider how prosecutions in protest cases, particularly when the alleged offence is “minor”, will affect the individuals. They must be sure there is a strong public interest in the prosecution, Chada says, “otherwise it just becomes too callous and too calculating”.
Samba Band at LightNight, Nottingham
Difference between Freedom of Information request and ‘Subject Access Request
You can make a Freedom of Information request in general terms of a ‘public authority’. These are free. BUT to find out about you personally, you make a ‘Subject Access Request’ …. This is under the Data Protection Act 1988 https://www.gov.uk/…/find-out-what-data-an-organisation… and usually cost £10 a throw. Good luck!
Smokescreen Crew, 30 years
In case you didn’t know ,When it comes to the UK free party scene, one of the most prominent Sound Systems over the last quarter of a century has been Smokescreen. Their parties and club nights have become synonymous with quality house music, good vibes and a loyal crowd prepared to travel far and wide for a night on the tiles, or under the stars. From humble beginnings, Smokescreen carved out a particular brand of deep house, which they made their own. Over the years, their DJs have gone on to enjoy international careers, build studios, start record labels and equipment businesses, as well as creating workshops for the next generation of DJs and producers. But their roots remain, and Smokescreen are as popular now as they were during their hedonistic heyday over the course of the 90’s, and now attracting the next generation of party people who come out to dance with the old-school heads (some of whom are their parents!).
Smokescreen was born in 1991. Originally from Sheffield, the crew concentrated their early endeavours around the steel city. As their reputation grew , their parties started to gain momentum (picking up the baton from trailblazing rigs such as Nottingham’s DiY). In ‘93 Smokescreen started their first regular club night at the Lo Club Derby , and later the all-nighters at the Arches in Sheffield, further cementing their reputation as word of mouth spread and more people were bitten with the Smokescreen bug. As 1994 approached, the free party scene was vibrant, but became more politicized in the build up to the Tory 1994 Criminal Justice Act , a kneejerk reaction to the now legendary Castlemorton free festival in 1992 . The new law would criminalise parties to the extent that it actually prohibited the public playing of music which it defined as ‘wholly or predominantly characterised by the emission of a succession of repetitive beats’. In response Smokescreen and other midlands sound systems organised to raise awareness with a series of all-nighters entitled ‘All Systems No’, later amended to ‘All Systems Go’ once the bill became law. These events would raise funds to provide support to any crews affected by the proposed new law, and build a community sound system that could be used instead of individual Systems risking their own kit to do parties. Smokescreen and DiY also took their rigs to the subsequent CJB demos in London that summer which attracted thousands of people from all over the country.
By 94/95 Smokescreen hit their peak, putting on a party and/or a club night every weekend. People from Sheffield, Nottingham, Derby, Lincoln, Birmingham and London, as well as revellers from the across the country, would wait in anticipation for the directions to appear by answerphone on Saturday night and turn out in their hundreds, while regular club nights such as Nottingham’s Skyy Club were rammed to capacity. Around this time Smokescreen embarked on their first international road trip to Croatia. This was to be one of several trips to Europe including Teknivals in the Czech Republic and Spain where Smokescreen provided the house sound amongst the techno systems of Desert Storm and Total Resistance.
As the decade drew to a close Smokescreen club nights continued apace, and perhaps the most fondly remembered is Derby’s Rockhouse nights. For ten years Smokescreen hosted what became a clubbing institution with 800 people coming through the door every month to get sweaty on the illuminated dance floor. At the same time the free parties continued around the Derbyshire and Lincolnshire traveller sites, and in any woodland or quarries that might be available. These didn’t come without considerable risk and Smokescreen parties in Derbyshire and Nottinghamshire were busted, people arrested and equipment confiscated. In 1999 at a small party in Lincolnshire, Smokescreen were made an example of. Several members were arrested and charged, and Smokescreen’s famed rig was seized for the final time . 10,000 quid’s worth of amps, cables and speakers disappeared for good. But you cant keep a good crew down and such was the support and good will for the party people who had sacrificed everything, that funds were raised, equipment provided and Smokescreen lived to groove another day!
And so to the 21st century. Smokescreen saw in the millennium collaborating with fellow House aficionados DiY at a huge party with around a 1000 people in attendance, as well as an ‘unofficial’ party outside one of the gates at the Glastonbury festival that year in 3 days of glorious sunshine. By this time several core DJs had made the step into music production, culminating with the hugely successful Drop Music Record label. Drop Music enabled the Smokescreen sound to be exported all over the world, and some of their DJs to represent on the global stage, playing in some of the top national and international clubs, but all the while keeping to the Smokescreen ethos of quality house, refusing to compromise or bow to trends and whatever the stylistic flavour of the month might be . An attitude which has served them well for the best part of 30 years! Meanwhile the party continues, with a Smokescreen club night at Nottingham’s Maze having run for 10 years solid, and a dance floor as enthusiastic as ever. As we said earlier, you can’t keep a good crew down!.
British photography
I get a mention with Peter Gardner in this academic piece on British Photography under “The 1970s and 80s: the political turn” …. nice
British photography refers to the tradition of photographic work undertaken by committed photographers and photographic artists in the British Isles. This includes those notable photographers from Europe who have made their home in Britain and contributed so strongly to the nation’s photographic tradition, such as Oscar Rejlander, Bill Brandt, Hugo van Wadenoyen, Ida Kar, Anya Teixeira and Sirkka-Liisa Konttinen.
The 1800s: invention and popularisation
Many technical innovations in photography were undertaken in Britain during the 19th century, notably by William Fox Talbot and Frederick Scott Archer. Early aesthetic breakthroughs were made by Lewis Carroll, Hill & Adamson, Julia Margaret Cameron and the Pre-Raphaelite photographers, and the “father of art photography” Oscar Gustave Rejlander. Travelling photography under adverse conditions was pioneered by war photographer Roger Fenton, and brought to a high level in England by Francis Frith and others. There were a number of local photographic societies scattered throughout Britain, often holding large annual public exhibitions; yet photography was mostly deemed at that time to be a science and a ‘useful craft’, and attempts at making a fine art photography almost always followed the conventions of paintings or theatre tableaux. There were also early earnest attempts at “trick photography”: notably of spiritualist apparitions and ghosts.
Studio and travelling photographers had flourished in the Victorian and Edwardian eras, but the developing technology eventually allowed the mass-market commercialisation of cameras. With the introduction of the Box Brownie, casual snapshot photography became an accepted feature of British middle-class life from around 1905.
=1845–1945: a century of anthropological documentary=
British photography has long had a fascination with recording, ‘in situ’, the lives and traditions of the working class in Britain. This can be traced back to Hill & Adamson‘s 1840s records of the fishermen of Newhaven, John Thomson‘s photography for the famous book “Street Life in London” (1876), the street urchin photography of Dr. Barnardo‘s charity campaigns, Peter Henry Emerson’s 1880s pictures of rural life in the East Anglian fenlands, and Sir Benjamin Stone‘s surreal pictures of English folkloric traditions.
This Victorian tradition was forgotten once modernism began to flourish from around 1905, but it appeared again in the “documentary” (a word coined in the 1920s by John Grierson) movement of the early and mid 20th century in activities such as Mass Observation, the photography of Humphrey Spender, and the associated early surrealist movement. Documentary pictures of the working people of Britain were later commercialised and popularised by the mass-circulation “picture magazines” of 1930s and 1940s such as “Picture Post”. The “Post” and similar magazines provided a living for notable photographers such as Bill Brandt and Bert Hardy. Also very notable is George Rodger’s London work for the US magazine “Life.” These large-format picture magazines served covertly as a “education in what a good photograph should look like” for their readers, something that was otherwise totally lacking. The British documentary movement contributed strongly to the poetic nature of some wartime early home front propaganda, such as Humphrey Jennings’ approach to film.
1945–1965: the post-war lull
After the end of the war, photography in Britain was at a very low ebb. Due to post-war shortages and rationing it was not until about 1954 that it became easy to buy photographic equipment and consumables. As new cameras began to appear, there was debate over the ability to take ‘good’ pictures using old pre-war cameras. This argument was famously answered by “Picture Post” photographer Bert Hardy, who went to the seaside with a simple old Box Brownie camera and came back with some of the most memorable images of England in the mid 1950s. The pre-war picture magazines such as “Picture Post” declined rapidly in quality, and “Picture Post” eventually closed in 1957.
Yet the desire to continue the photographic recording of everyday pleasures was evident in the 1950s Southam Street work of Roger Mayne, and also in the early 1960s in the work of Tony Ray-Jones (his “A Day Off”, 1974). Ray-Jones is known to have scoured London for the then uncollected photographs of Sir Benjamin Stone, one example of the piecemeal but growing awareness of the work of earlier British photographers. Ray-Jones’s extensive legacy in turning the mundane into the surreal can be seen in the 1990s work of contemporary photographers of everyday life and leisure, such as Homer Sykes, Tom Wood, Richard Billingham and Martin Parr.
The 1960s: fashion and royalty
The tradition of working-class and political photography runs in tandem with photography of the upper classes and British royalty, and the photography of the dandy culture of high fashion.
Cecil Beaton was a fashion photographer from 1928 for “Vogue“, and later became the official photographer to the Royal Family. Likewise, Lord Snowdon, and Lord Lichfield continued the association of the British Royal family with photography, an association that had first begun when Queen Victoria and Prince Albert patronised the art photographers of their day, and was continued through the establishment of the Royal Photographic Society and the extensive photographic collection of the Victoria & Albert Museum.
British fashion photographers – such as John French, Norman Parkinson, those who worked for “Queen” magazine, and later Terence Donovan, Duffy, Sarah Moon, and David Bailey – can all be seen as working in a celebrity tradition that intertwines with that of the glamour of the high-society and royal photographers. In the mid 60s, the Fashion and Advertising Photographers Association was formed. the founding photographers were David Bailey, Brian Duffy, Terence Donovan, David Booth and Jon Kevin. This group of professionals was split between fashion and advertising work, one group labouring under the eye of “Vogue” and the other producing the shots that sold butter. In late 1960s the profession of London “photographer” became a fashionable aspiration. In the 1970s David Hamilton, formerly the art director at “Queen” magazine, produced a highly popular series of photograph books in which he blended fashion photography with pictorialism and romanticism, and, some claimed, softcore pornography.
With the later advent of the new romantics, glossy street-style magazines featuring strong photography emerged: “Blitz, i-D, The Face“, and others. Implicitly focused on the time-worn idea of the dandy-esque ‘English eccentric‘ in youthful form, these magazines often fused the fashion/celebrity tradition with the British documentary, surrealist and “documenting folk pleasures” approaches to photography.
The 1970s and 80s: the political turn
From around 1975 and into first years of the 1980s, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation funded Chris Steele-Perkins and Nicholas Battye (as ‘Exit’) to document poverty in the inner cities; 29,000 images and hundreds of hours of taped conversations formed a modern equivalent to the Mass Observation work of the 1930s.
Similar extensive archives of pictures of ordinary life were created by: Daniel Meadows with his travelling double-decker bus “Free Photographic Omnibus” gallery and studio in the mid 1970s (“Living Like This”, 1975); the 80,000 image archive of farming life by James Ravilious; and the Amber Collective in the council estates of the north-east (notably the work of Sirkka-Liisa Konttinen and Chris Killip). Other similar photographers were Shirley Baker (Manchester’s working class), Tony Boxall (gypsy families), and Gus Wylie (the Hebrides). The anarchist Colin Ward was also notable for his photographic anthology on children’s street culture. Following the lead of Chris Steele-Perkins in documenting the British youth movements (“The Teds”, 1979), other photographers turned their attention to documenting the implicitly political youth movements of skinheads and punk.
Various forms of leftist ideology – especially feminism, continental theory, and the polemics of Susan Sontag – all affected British thinking about photography from the mid 1970s. These political currents gave rise to feminist photographers such as Jo Spence and Marxist photographers such as Victor Burgin. Don McCullin’s powerful war photography can also be seen as contributing to the intensifying climate of political tension in 1970s Britain.
“Camerawork”, followed by “Ten.8”, were magazines of Marxist photographic thought in the late 1970s and early 80s. Initiatives such as this floundered as Britain moved into the early 1980s under the growing Conservative might of Margaret Thatcher. But there was a minor continuation of the documentary tradition – through documentary photography of CND and the Greenham Common camps (Ed Barber, Joan Wakelin, Peter Kennard); the miners strikes (Izabela Jedrzejczyk, Martin Shakeshaft, John Sturrock); and the new age travellers (Peter Gardner, Alan Lodge).
The 1980s: the arrival of colour
Despite the publication in Britain two decades earlier of the German pioneers Dr Walter Boje and Erwin Fieger, British photographers seemed as gripped by monochrome as the Royal Photographic Society was in Victorian aesthetics. The documentary tradition in British Photography took an important turn when colour was embraced firstly by Paul Graham (photographer) with his work on the late 1970s and particularly “A1—The Great North Road” of 1981/82 and “Beyond Caring” from 1984/85, soon followed by Martin Parr with his book “Last Resort,” in 1986. This brought about a huge visual shift in what had previously been a dedicated monochromatic world. Later followers of these, many of whom were Graham or Parr’s students, included Paul Rees, Anna Fox, Tom Wood, Julian Germain, Nick Waplington and Richard Billingham. Both Graham and Parr were included in a prestigious showVague|date=April 2008 at New York’s Museum of Modern Art in 1990 that included Chris Killip, John Davies and Graham Smith. Sadly this important exhibition never made it to the UK, where photography remained ill appreciated by the British art world, and museums like the Tate Gallery, which simply refused to show any work by photographers.Fact|date=April 2008 Graham and Parr were highly influential on a younger generation not only for their work, but also in their determination to publish work in book form, leading to a vibrant archive of published books by many interesting photographers from the past 20 years.
1930s–1990s: artists as photographers
A number of British neo-romantic artists have been particularly interested in photography, having first established themselves as artists: such as Paul Nash, Bill Brandt, John Piper and Edwin Smith in the 1930s, 40s and 50s. In this interest they continued the interest in photography shown by fine artists from the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood through to the Surrealists.
Before 1985 notable artists using photography were David Hockney, Graham Ovenden, and Gilbert & George, the latter being strongly influential in validating the use of colour in fine art photography in Britain.
Into the 1980s, neo-romanticism again emerged strongly in the work of Fay Godwin, James Ravilious, Andy Goldsworthy, Leigh Preston and Jem Southam – although this was paralleled by an ironic post-modern concern for English landscape in the work of John Goto, Hamish Fulton, Richard Long and others.
1990–2000: staged photography
From around 1990 staged fine art photography became seen as valid as art in the commercial art world,Vague|date=April 2008 and was accepted by many (but not all) gallerists. This form of photography, with its heavy synthetic input,Vague|date=April 2008 proved easier to digest for a wider art audience, confused by the seemingly ‘observational’ nature of straight photography. Whilst many would dispute this value system, which marginalises most of the 20th century’s profound photographic works, its leverage in opening the doors to the broader art world is widely accepted. This process took about a decade and the breakthrough year in Britain was around 2000. The Director of The Photographers’ Gallery said in an 2005 interview with “Photowork” magazine: “…especially in 2000, photography had begun to be shown in private galleries and larger public museums, and there was a fundamental shift in terms of the fine art culture in the UK“.
The photographic book in Britain
Before the mid 1960s, few photography books were published. They rested heavily on the conventions of travel-books and literary topographical guides, and examples of these were Bill Brandt’s “Literary Britain” (1951), Edwin Smith‘s “England” (1957), Hugo van Wadenoyen’s “Wayside Snapshots” (1957), Antony Armstrong-Jones‘s “London” (1958). Apart from these few books, and one notorious book of nudes (“Nudes of Jean Straker” 1958), nothing of note was otherwise produced in book form in the 1950s. There was, however, Norman Hall’s magazine “Photography” (1952-1962). His “Photography” magazine was vital in keeping alive the flickering flame of serious creative photography in Britain, and would feature European photography such as that by Henri Cartier-Bresson.
From 1965, when David Bailey and Lord Snowdon published successful books, a far wider variety of books of photography began to be published throughout the 1970s, including “Creative Camera” hardback annuals. Dedicated photography book publishers such as Travelling Light (1980) and Cornerhouse (1987) began to start up.
The book format was later to be a vital element in the growing amount of British photographic scholarship, particularly that undertaken by Graham Ovenden in the late 1970s and early 80s, which was to recover entire photographic traditions that had formerly been completely lost to sight. This was greatly aided by the huge collection of 300,000 photographs that the Victoria & Albert Museum in London had quietly acquired since 1850, and which by the mid-1970s was becoming accessible due to the appointment of the V&A’s first ‘Keeper of Photographs’, Mark Haworth-Booth.
From 1995 it became increasingly possible to accurately present fine photographs on the web, but commercial photography book publishers such as Dewi Lewis Publishing have continued to thrive in Britain. Collecting fine photography books has become a major, although increasingly expensive, alternative to collecting the photographs themselves.
upporting photography in Britain
Until the mid 1960s the moribund Royal Photographic Society and its associated photographic clubs dominated British photography. The RPS understanding of photography was of it as an amateur pursuit strongly embedded in pictorialism. This went hand-in-hand-with a wider assumption in Britain that photography was a “mere craft” – suitable only for scientific use, advertising, snapshot portraiture, and newspaper press photography.The break out to the modern era was spearheaded by the Creative Photo Group whose members had resigned from a London club in frustration. They were first recognized in Photokina, Cologne in 1963 by L. Fritz Gruber. Subsequent publication by Robert Hetz of Fotoalmach International continued for the rest of the decade. Serious attention from such critics as Helmut Gernsheim, Dr Walter Boje and Ainslie Ellis was much more slowly taken up by at home. The work of the leading members of the group (Anya Teixeira, Felix Sussman, Rod Williams and Leonard Karstein) is represented now only by some pictures in the Victoria and Albert Museum and some of their published articles.
British scholarship on the history of photography felt the presence of Helmut Gernsheim, who had published and collected in London since his arrival as a refugee in 1942. The hostility of British museums to photography and especially to his proposals for a photographic gallery, at last drove him to sell his collection to the University of Texas, and to live in Switzerland. The reputation of the authoritative books he produced since the 1940s seem to have fallen victim to the general feeling that he should have given his collection to a museum free rather than sell it handsomely as he did.Fact|date=April 2008
Newer approaches to photographic education slowly emerged after the Second World War. Hugo van Wadenoyen had led the “Combined Societies” breakaway split from the Royal Photographic Society after the war, and Ifor Thomas introduced a new aesthetic approach to teaching photography at the Guildford School of Art.
Two important magazine outlets for photography emerged from the mid 1960s. First, from 1966 the “The Sunday Times” colour magazine (and its later imitators), and secondly the highly influential magazine “Creative Camera” (1968 onwards first using a suggested list of contributors provided by the Creative Photo Group). “Creative Camera” was, until the early 1980s, strongly influenced by the humanist and spiritual approaches to photography of Alfred Stieglitz, Ansel Adams, Minor White, and John Szarkowski, and by a general belief that one had to travel to America to find out ‘what photography was really about’.
The Arts Council had only funded three photography exhibitions from 1946 until 1969, although London’s ICA had given some support to creative photographers. Small independent photography galleries only began to appear from 1970; most notably The Photographers’ Gallery in London, and later the Side Gallery in Newcastle-upon-Tyne.
British photography was slowly reviving by 1970 and, alongside magazines like “Creative Camera”, education would become its main vehicle. In 1970 the first British university degree course in photography was established, and so from 1973 the Arts Council employed a new Photography Officer, Barry Lane, to deal with requests for exhibition funds from the first crop of graduates. The influential photography diploma courses at Nottingham Trent Polytechnic, and the Derby College of Art were combined from 1971, and the combined Trent/Derby course was highly successful. There was also a notable course at the Newport Art School in Wales. The Glasgow School of Art began a course in fine art photography in 1984, under Thomas Joshua Cooper. From the mid 1970s important lecturers began to set up short-term forms of advanced creative photography education. The first of these was in 1976 when Trent lecturer Paul Hill established the first residential photography workshop, “The Photographer’s Place”, in the Derbyshire Peak District. Paul Hill’s course-in-a-book “Approaching Photography” was also widely influential. The advent of such intensive photographic education nurtured a number of lecturer-practitioners whose creative work reached new heights and received strong media attention, such as Raymond Moore and Thomas Joshua Cooper. One of their joint concerns was with making fresh approaches to picturing the British landscape.
Since the 1980s, photographic education has failed to break out of further-education colleges and the universities. There has been very little penetration of photography education into schools, beyond activities such as providing schoolchildren with disposable cameras for basic snapshot photography.
Today a number of major London galleries show photography, including Tate Modern and the Victoria & Albert Photography Gallery, with Tate Britain’s first major exhibition of British photography “How We Are: Photographing Britain” appearing in 2007. There is the National Media Museum (formerly the National Museum of Photography, Film and Television) in Bradford, established in 1983. Despite decades of arts funding cuts, there are still a handful of small photography galleries around the country, and the Photographer’s Gallery survives in London. There is the annual Hereford Photography Festival, and the Brighton Photo Biennale. Dewi Lewis Publishing in Stockport produces a wide range of books, and finding second-hand photography books has been revolutionised by the internet. Since 2000, a half-dozen new British print magazines have appeared, dedicated to providing a space for creative photographers, such as: “ei8ht”; “Photoworks” and “Next Level”. The Jerwood Photography Awards and the CitiGroup Photography Prize have raised the profile of photography in the British press.
Further reading
*Helmut Gernsheim (author)”Creative Photography: Aesthetic Trends 1839-1960″ Faber and Faber,London 1962
* Colin Macinnes and Erwin Fieger (authors) “London,City of Any Dream’ Thames and Hudson,London 1963
*Dr Walter Boje (editor)”Magic with the Colour Camera” Thames and Hudson,London,1963
*Ainslie Ellis (Reviewer) “The Creative Photo Group” British Journal of Photography. October 16th,1964
*Helmut and Alison Gernsheim(authors). “A Concise History of Photography,Thames and Hudson,London 1965
*Anya Teixeira (Reviewer) The Photographic Journal, The Royal Photographic Society, November 1967 page 371
* Renate Gruber, L. Fritz Gruber, Helmut Gernsheim (authors)”The Imaginary Photo Museum : 457 photographs from 1836 to the present”Penguin Books ,London 1981
* Martin Harrison (Ed.). “Young Meteors: British Photojournalism, 1957–1965”. Cape, 1998.
* John Benton-Harris & Gerry Badger (Eds.) “Through the Looking Glass — Photographic Art in Britain, 1945–1989”. Barbican, 1989
* David Brittain (Ed.) “Creative Camera: thirty years of writing”. Manchester University Press, 1998.
* “British Photography: Towards a Bigger Picture”. (Entire issue of Aperture magazine; Issue 113, 1988
* Val Williams and Susan Bright “How We Are: Photographing Britain” Tate, 2007
Academic Dictionaries and Encyclopedias https://en-academic.com/dic.nsf/enwiki/1534273
A rant about it all
There are a lot of law changes going on, here in the UK, that affect people while trying to celebrate. Themselves, their culture. just wanting to have a nice time! and let rip with their friends. I am `middle aged’ now I suppose, but since I can remember, people around me have said. “Why won’t these bastards leave us alone? all we want to do is, festival, dance, party, etc. We’re not doing anyone any harm”. Thing is, the authorities have never agreed, and they think of `free spirits’ as a threat to the state and are treated accordingly.
I had much involvement with free festivals and the events and gatherings at Stonehenge. A free festival at the stones at the Summer solstice that had been happening for twelve years. Hundreds of thousands of young ( and not so young!) gathering for what was obviously a `common need to celebrate together. The moral majority! general worthies, the police and the no fun brigade, banded together moved the law about a bit. Then came and hit us with sticks with much blood. It was kind of like a signal and intimidation, to stop many others coming to `play with us in the fields.
Because of our reputation in Britain as having a `proper liberal democracy’, it was news all over the place, that our police could behave in such a way towards unarmed civilians, in pursuit of political ends.
Talking to people in various countries, I know its not just Britain starting to `get tough’ on deviants of various sorts. Although a lot of travelling people have left England because of the oppression of their lifestyles, some are starting to find similar law and prejudice applied to them, elsewhere as well.
Some of the ideas of festivals and travelling that we have done here, have some roots in America in the late sixties with the big festivals (with the free ones building on the edges!)., merry pranksters etc. As well as with the ideas of gathering and celebration that go back 2 or 3 thousand years that seem as relevant now, as then.
The music is only part of the mix. Many developed a sense of common purpose and identity. There was an acceptance that modern life was too fast, expensive and polluting to the environment. We had discovered a kind of ‘Anarchy in Action’, and it worked! People began working out and managing relations within `our’ communities, without reference to `Them’ .
They’re trying to squash deviance and dissent here, now. The words `new age traveller’ are dirty words here. Used by the press when they want to be rude to us. More recently in `dance culture’, environmental action and assorted maters of social concern …. it all goes round again.
Shame isn’t it. . . . .
Part 4 of the Police Bill… Echoes of the Porrajmos?’
We are sleepwalking into a human rights catastrophe
Date published27 January 2022LocationUKRelated professional interestEthics and human rightsSocial justice, poverty, housing and economy
By Allison Hulmes, Mairtain Moloney-Neachtain and Dr Dan Allen (GRTSW Association)
“Culture is fading because we are getting forced to leave it behind. We can’t live our way of life. They can’t provide sites; they won’t put planning on private sites through so what do they want us to do. We can’t live on side of the roads anymore; they just want us in houses. The culture of Travelling is going.”
Criminalising a tradition, culture & way of life
Part 4 of the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill (PCSC) stands in a long line of legislation and policy specifically designed to achieve the eradication or assimilation of ethnic Gypsies and Travellers in the UK.
Part 4 of the Bill seeks to criminalise ‘unauthorised encampments’ – and when enacted will make trespass a criminal offence, increasing the powers of the police to seize vehicles, which are homes or crucial to employment.; impose fines that result in more families falling deeper into debt and poverty; or impose a prison sentence, denying families in many instances of a primary wage earner.
This racist Bill is a direct attack on the rights of Gypsies and Travellers to continue a nomadic practice that is central to Gypsy and Traveller identity and culture.
Echoes of the Porrajmos
It is the conscious and targeted impact of the Bill on ethnic Gypsies and Travellers which raises echoes of the Porrajmos – a targeting of a group, based on ethnicity as a key characteristic of identity, which is what happened to Jewish, Roma and Sinti people in the Holocaust.
The proposals in Part 4 of the PCSC Bill fail to acknowledge the fact that there is not enough site, transit or stopping place provision to meet the needs of Gypsies and Travellers and there are not any meaningful proposals to address this in England. Indeed, the Government’s own Consultation Paper acknowledged that the Bill will have adverse impacts on Gypsies and Travellers.
There is a campaign to support a ‘negotiated stopping places’ approach, which can help ease some of the pressures created by lack of appropriate stopping places – but this doesn’t address the racist mindset of a government that initiates abhorrent, repressive and racist laws in England and Wales.
To contextualise these initial reflections, it is important reflect on the direct and indirect damage that Part 4 of the PCSC Bill may cause. One specific example is the impact on families – undermining legal standard that the welfare of children must be paramount.
Another tool for state-sponsored violence
Throughout history, there is clear and obvious evidence that Gypsies and Travellers have been – and continue to be – strategically marginalised and controlled because of their ethnicity, customs and traditions.
Despite their protected characteristics, current public service provision limits progress to promote or develop effective working relationships in any specific agency.
Where there remains strong evidence of transgenerational trauma, born out of centuries of oppression, there remains that need to develop effective communities of practice. Instead, Part 4 of the PCSC Bill presents as the true representation of the absence of any genuine duty of care for vulnerable children.
In Figure 2 below, we illustrate the rising number of Gypsy and Traveller children living in state care in England. For reasons known only to devolved government administrations, this data is not easily accessible in Northern Ireland, Scotland or Wales.
To highlight our concerns about Part 4 of the PCSC Bill, we also include a timeline of policy concordats and events that contextualise the abhorrent, repressive, and racist actions that have taken us to the position that we find ourselves in today.
![](https://i0.wp.com/www.basw.co.uk/sites/default/files/styles/inline_image/public/figure2.png?w=640&ssl=1)
Figure 2: Timeline and illustration of the rising number of Romani and Traveller children living in State Care in England since 2009
Huge inequalities for Gypsies and Travellers
Figure 2 is based on education census data in England until 2009. Even now the classification and conflation of ethnicity ‘Gypsy/Roma’ falls behind what is required.
Directly related to the policy concordats and events listed, the 2017 Race Disparity Audit in England found huge inequalities in access to some public services for Gypsies and Travellers, particularly in education.
At the same time, the Women and Equalities Committee started a report about tackling inequalities faced by Gypsies and Traveller communities, which concluded that these inequalities persisted in education housing and health because of a reduction in effective (pro-Gypsy and Traveller) community development action.
In 2019, the English Government launched a national strategy to tackle entrenched inequality and improve the lives of Gypsy and Traveller communities, but no attention to the impact of Part 4 of the PCSC Bill is considered.
A critical juncture for public services: lessons from COVID-19 concluded that Gypsy and Traveller groups experienced significant inequalities of access to public services – but again the full impact of Part 4 of the PCSC Bill was omitted from this research.
The Bill undermines ‘levelling-up’ rhetoric
Despite a broader commitment to a levelling-up agenda where “everyone to have the same opportunities to get on in life” by tackling regional inequalities in outcome and opportunity, the disconnection between Part 4 of the PCSC Bill and the welfare of the child continues to pathologise a community, blame them for the inequalities, racism, and deprivation that they experience, and once again normalise the hate speech, leading us to forget why Holocaust Memorable Day is important.
To our knowledge, the full implication of Part 4 of the PCSC Bill does not appear to have been made subject to a formal impact assessment from a child welfare perspective. For this reason, we predict that its implementation will exacerbate the entrenched inequality and deprivation that government so frequently reports.
Despite, continuous research highlighting the need to give recognition and acknowledgement to the intersection of culture, history, identity, racism and oppression, policy directives have slowly dismantled investment in services designed to bridge the gap caused by centuries of oppression and state sponsored violence.
Figure 1 shows that as services have been withdrawn, as housing policies have been amended, and as the obligation to promote opportunities for integration have been diluted, the number of Gypsy and Traveller children requiring support through formal child welfare services has increased.
It is our view that Part 4 of the PCSC Bill threatens to add to this number as it making the lives of Gypsy and Traveller children and their families even harder.
The final systematic annihilation?
The situation is Wales diverges somewhat from England. Although criminal justice is a reserved and non-devolved matter, Part 4 of the PCSC Bill conflicts with domestic legislation, in particular Part 3 of the Housing Act 2014 which relates to local authority duties to assess and meet the housing needs of Gypsies and Travellers. This includes site provision and transit places.
The existence of a legal duty hasn’t improved the delivery of culturally appropriate accommodation for Gypsies and Travellers in Wales. There continues to be a shortfall in sites/pitch provision and the duty has not led to ANY transit sites to date. Significantly, no local authority has been held accountable for the failure to meet this requirement.
The Senedd in Wales has, however, sent a clear and unambiguous message to Westminster Government that it will not support racist laws. On January 18th Members of the Senedd voted 40 to 14 to withhold consent to Part 4 of the Police Bill and it was encouraging to hear strong and supportive cross-party speeches.
This vote sends a strong message not just to Westminster but a clear message of support to Gypsy, Roma and Traveller citizens of Wales that the nomadic way of life should not be criminalised, people’s human rights do matter and there are those who are willing to raise their voices to defend and uphold them. It was important that Senedd debate shone a light on the lack of adequate sites across Wales and the need for Welsh Government and Local Authorities to do so much more –
The Senedd vote is a moral victory and time will tell whether or not Welsh Government has the legal capacity to withhold consent. Welsh Government also needs to ensure that local authorities meet the assessed needs of Gypsies and Travellers with clear accountability and penalties where this doesn’t happen.
One Day
History may remember January 18th 2022 as that ONE DAY where common humanity was the order of the day and instead of sleep walking into a human rights catastrophe, the eyes of the general population were opened to the monstrosity of this Bill and where ultimately, it can lead – the systematic annihilation of people based on their ethnicity or race.
“The Travelling life in my family goes back over three hundred years in Wales, they had stopping places where local people would gather to hear their story-telling and dance to the Gypsy fiddles and harps. All over Wales you can see ‘Y lon Sipsy/Gypsy Lane’ the ‘achin tans’ where our families stopped, cared places to us where birth, marriage and death occurred. By outlawing these culturally rich practices of stopping places an entire legacy of Welsh Romani culture is threatened with silence and erasure. Without ‘place’ there will be no meaning to our Welsh Romani cultural identity and our contributions to Welsh culture will become empty and blown away like leaves in the wind.”
Roma and Sinti Porrajmos – resources:
- https://www.holocaustremembrance.com/stories/five-resources-teaching-and-learning-about-roma-genocide
- https://www.romasintigenocide.eu/en/home
- https://romasinti.eu/
- https://www.gypsy-traveller.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/FFT-The-Gypsy-Holocaust-Booklet.pdf
- https://eriac.org/
- https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tAEJb-p6SOE
- https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M5ahjpHnM1s
https://www.basw.co.uk/media/news/2022/jan/basw-blog-part-4-police-bill-echoes-porrajmos
From rural to radical, Tate Liverpool re-evaluates the art of landscape with major exhibition for summer 2022
In summer 2022 Tate Liverpool will present Radical Landscapes, a major exhibition showing a century of landscape art revealing a never-before told social and cultural history of Britain through the themes of trespass, land use and the climate emergency.
![From rural to radical, Tate Liverpool re-evaluates the art of landscape with major exhibition for summer 2022](https://i0.wp.com/culturecdn.fra1.cdn.digitaloceanspaces.com/2021/11/Jeremy-Deller-Cerne-Abbas-2019-c-The-artist-and-The-Modern-Institute-Glasgow-700x842.jpg?resize=640%2C770&ssl=1)
by CULTURE LIVERPOOL
The exhibition will include over 150 works and a special highlight will be Ruth Ewan’s Back to the Fields 2015-22, an immersive installation that will bring the gallery to life though a living installation of plants, farming tools and the fruits of the land. This will be accompanied by a new commission by Davinia-Ann Robinson, whose practice explores the relationship between Black, Brown and Indigenous soil conservation practices and what she terms as ‘Colonial Nature environments’.
Expanding on the traditional, picturesque portrayal of the landscape, Radical Landscapes will present art that reflects the diversity of Britain’s landscape and communities. From rural to radical, the exhibition reconsiders landscape art as a progressive genre, with artists drawing new meanings from the land to present it as a heartland for ideas of freedom, mysticism, experimentation and rebellion.
Radical Landscapes poses questions about who has the freedom to access, inhabit and enjoy this ‘green and pleasant land’. It will draw on themes of trespass and contested boundaries that are spurred by our cultural and emotional responses to accessing and protecting our rural landscape. Key works looking at Britain’s landscape histories include Cerne Abbas 2019 by Jeremy Deller, Tacita Dean’s Majesty 2006 and Oceans Apart 1989 by Ingrid Pollard. Ideas about collective activism can be seen in banners, posters and photographs, such as the Greenham Common Women’s Peace Camp banners by Thalia Campbell and video installations by Tina Keane.
Reflecting on shared customs, myths and rituals, the exhibition emphasises how artists have reclaimed the landscape as a common cultural space to make art. Interrogating concepts of nature and nation, the exhibition reverses the established view to reveal how the countryside has been shaped by our values and use of the land. Key works looking at performance and identity in the landscape include Claude Cahun’s Je Tends les Bras 1931and Whop, Cawbaby 2018 by Tanoa Sasraku, while the significance of the British garden is seen in works such as Anwar Jalal Shemza’s Apple Tree 1962 and Figures in a Garden 1979-81 by Eileen Agar.
The exhibition will also consider how artists and activists have created works that highlight and question human impact on the landscape and ecosystems, shining a light on the restorative potential of nature to provoke debate and stimulate social change. Radical Landscapes will feature works that reflect on the climate and its impact on the landscape including Gustav Metzger’s dazzling Liquid Crystal Environment 1965 (remade 2005) and Yuri Pattison’s sun[set] provisioning 2019.
Radical Landscapes will be presented within an immersive, environmentally-conscious exhibition design by Smout Allen that creates a dynamic dialogue with the artworks. The exhibition will be complemented by a new publication, with contributions by leading and upcoming writers, campaigners, naturists, environmentalists and social historians, offering a wide variety of voices on the subject of landscape. A diverse public programme will accompany the exhibition, taking place online, throughout the gallery, across the city and beyond into the great outdoors throughout the summer.
Radical Landscapes is curated by Darren Pih, Curator, Exhibitions & Displays, and Laura Bruni, Assistant Curator, Tate Liverpool.
UK Traveller communities fear ‘cultural annihilation’ over upcoming trespass laws
Gypsy, Roma and Traveller people face imprisonment or hefty fines under new England and Wales Police Bill that ‘criminalises’ nomadic life
Blyth Brentnall 25 January 2022, 11.33am
![](https://i0.wp.com/cdn2.opendemocracy.net/media/images/Screenshot_2022-01-24_at_17.03.21.max-760x504.png?resize=640%2C424&ssl=1)
Peers will tonight vote for the final time on legislation that has been described as “cultural annihilation” for the UK’s Gypsy, Roma and Traveller (GRT) communities.
The government has been accused of criminalising nomadic lifestyles in new trespassing laws introduced in Part 4 of its flagship Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill.
The Lords last week voted down a series of protest restrictions introduced into the bill at the last minute, but the section that most worries GRT people passed unhindered.
Under the planned legislation, an estimated 10,000 people from GRT communities in England and Wales could face eviction for parking their vehicles on roadsides and unauthorised land if they are deemed to have caused ‘significant disruption’. Yet there is a national shortage of sites and a declining number of new ones, despite the number of Traveller caravans rising.
Violet Cannon, a Romany Gypsy and the chief executive of York Travellers Trust, explained: “Councils are really reluctant to build any new pitches or grant planning permission for Gypsy, Roma and Traveller caravan sites. So a large proportion of three ethnic minorities is officially homeless. And the government’s response is to make them criminals.”
The bill would change trespassing from a non-arrestable civil offence to a criminal one with harsh sentences. If it comes into force, a land occupier or their ‘representative’ could call the police to evict those present and seize their vehicles if they have caused ‘significant harm, disruption or distress’. Guilty verdicts in court would result in fines of up to £2,500 and imprisonment for up to three months.
“The aim of the bill is clearly to take away people’s homes, their pets and property, imprisoning them and leaving their children parentless, in order to forcibly assimilate them into settled culture,” said Traveller Ann Marie Evans. “For us, that is just the first step of cultural annihilation.”
The Home Office denies that the proposed law is discriminatory.
But Evans says the legislation would leave “children parentless, in order to forcibly assimilate them into settled culture”. “For us,” she added, “that is just the first step of cultural annihilation.”
In a vote in the Lords last month, the Lib Dems and Greens opposed Part 4 of the bill, but Labour whipped its peers to abstain, meaning the parts of the bill that could most harm GRT communities passed unchanged. Protections for GRT people, which would have ensured police officers could evict mobile-home dwellers only if there were alternative sites available nearby, had been backed by Labour but failed to get through by a single vote.
Gypsy Traveller Lynne Tammi, who works in human rights, reiterated: “The bill sets out to criminalise nomadism. It’s a violation of human rights and breaches the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child by ensuring children and young people no longer have the ability to practice their culture and traditions.”
These communities already suffer from abusive policing and imprisonment, which they expect to worsen under the bill. People from GRT backgrounds represent one in 20 inmates in English and Welsh prisons, despite making up only 0.1% of the countries’ populations.
Sherrie Smith, a Romany Gypsy and co-founder of GRT campaign group Drive To Survive, launched a system to monitor hate crime, Report Racism GRT in 2016. Through her work, she has heard many accounts revealing the extent of discriminatory policing of her community.
She told openDemocracy how, 18 months ago, she learnt of a woman who was violently arrested despite being seven months pregnant. Police pinned her to the ground, Smith said, causing her to have a fit, only to later release her without charge.
“I’ve seen the worst of how Gypsy, Roma and Traveller people are treated by police in the UK,” she added. “They don’t take proportionate measures for people who are innocent and this is standard practice in different areas of the country. Under this bill, policing will ensure our total demonisation as a race.”
Others have had similar experiences, including Irish Traveller Chris McDonagh, who was beaten while in police custody about 15 years ago. He has since developed hyperacusis, a condition that makes him overly sensitive to sound in one ear, which he believes was caused by having been punched in the head by a duty officer.
McDonagh said: “This is a blatantly racist law. Although not all police are against us, this is going to give officers who are prejudiced towards us the power to do anything they feel like.”
![Gyp Drive2Survive](https://i0.wp.com/cdn2.opendemocracy.net/media/images/210043285_123709719915653_1168275402993074016.width-1025.jpg?w=640&ssl=1)
Community members have additional concerns about the health impact of exacerbated discrimination, which has been linked to suicides among GRT people.
Martin Gallagher, an Irish Traveller and PhD candidate at Northumbria University, predicted: “Suicides are going to rise as mental health worsens due to kids being taken from their parents and homes confiscated, off the back of this bill.”
Scotland and Northern Ireland have independent criminal justice systems, making these countries exempt from Part 4. Nomadic people, however, often travel across borders.
“It still impacts us in Scotland and Northern Ireland because Gypsies and Travellers have families in England and Wales so they shift back and forth, going to horse fairs and religious gatherings,” explained Tammi, who currently resides in Scotland.
After its third reading in the House of Lords, the bill will return to the House of Commons where MPs will review the Lords’ amendments to other parts of the bill. The bill can pass back and forth between the two houses until there is agreement on its various clauses.
A Home Office spokesperson said: “We recognise that the vast majority of Travellers are law-abiding and we respect their right to follow a nomadic way of life, in line with their cultural heritage and to suggest the legislation is discriminatory is false.
“Unauthorised encampments can cause misery to those who live nearby, with excessive noise and littering, and people unable to access their land. We are giving the police the powers they need to tackle this problem.
“The conditions of the offence are clear – if people do not commit significant harms and if they leave when asked to by the police or landowner, they will not risk having their vehicle seized. There are measures in place for local authorities to provide authorised sites for Travellers to reside on.”
Met/NPCC statement – compensation awarded in Investigatory Powers Tribunal case
On 30 September 2021, the Investigatory Powers Tribunal (IPT) handed down Judgment in relation to the claim brought by Kate Wilson against the Met and the National Police Chiefs’ Council (NPCC).
The claim related to the actions of undercover police officers deployed to gather intelligence on protest groups and people associated with those groups between 2003 -2010.
Part of the claim related to a sexual relationship Ms Wilson was deceived into by an undercover officer, Mark Kennedy.
Kennedy, using his cover identity “Mark Stone”, was deployed by the now disbanded National Public Order Intelligence Unit (NPOIU), into an environmental activist group Ms Wilson was associated with.
The sexual relationship ended in 2005. Kennedy resigned from policing in 2010.
The Met and the NPCC admitted to a number of breaches of Ms Wilson’s human rights. The IPT also considered evidence and issues relating to the severity of the admitted breaches, and several other complaints that were disputed.
On Monday, 24 January 2021, the IPT issued an Order detailing the compensation that is to be awarded to Ms Wilson.
Ms Wilson received formal apologies before these proceedings took place and during the IPT hearing in April last year, the Met and the NPCC reiterated their regret for the hurt and damage suffered as a result of the intelligence operation.
As acknowledged in these apologies, the sexual relationship was wrong and constituted a serious violation of Ms Wilson’s human rights. It was an abuse of police power which caused significant trauma.
The Tribunal in its Judgment found that the sexual relationship had not been an authorised tactic. However, as was admitted, the relationship demonstrated that there had been failures in the supervision and management of Mark Kennedy.
Helen Ball, the Met’s Assistant Commissioner for Professionalism, said: “We recognise the gravity of the Judgment in this case, which outlined a series of serious failings that allowed Kennedy to remain deployed on a long-term undercover deployment without the appropriate level of supervision and oversight. This resulted in Ms Wilson’s human rights being breached.
“In entering into a sexual relationship, Kennedy’s actions went against the training and guidelines undercover officers received at the time. However, the Tribunal found that the training was inadequate and more should have been done to consider the risks of male undercover officers forming relationships with women. We accept these findings.
“It is important to note that since Mark Kennedy’s deployment there has been enormous change in undercover policing, both in the Met and nationally, and I want to be clear that this case in no way reflects modern-day undercover policing.
“We are completely committed to learning from past mistakes, and to make the necessary changes to try to ensure they aren’t repeated. The issues explored in this case are among those being closely examined by the Undercover Policing Inquiry, with which we continue to cooperate fully.
“Lessons learnt from this Judgment, the Inquiry and other reviews have been, and will continue to be, used to inform changes to training and guidance for undercover officers.”
Chief Constable Alan Pughsley, the National Police Chiefs’ Council lead for undercover policing, added: “Since the conduct of Mark Kennedy came to light, a number of reviews into undercover officer activity have been undertaken. These have resulted in significant changes to the way undercover policing is conducted nationally.
“The selection and training of all undercover officers has been standardised and is licensed by the independent body, the College of Policing.
“The training is significantly more rigorous than that during Mark Kennedy’s time, both in duration and content. Cover officers and those supervising and managing operations are now required to complete standardised training courses tailored to their roles.
“The psychological fitness and well-being of undercover officers is a key consideration during their recruitment, training and deployment. In addition to the relevant laws, regulations and rules in place, the conduct of undercover officers is governed by a National Code of Conduct and the College of Policing’s Code of Ethics.
“Significant work has been undertaken to ensure undercover officers and those authorising their deployment understand the legal limits within which they operate, including the core concepts of deployments needing to be necessary and proportionate, and the need to minimise collateral intrusion into the private lives of others.
“Oversight of undercover deployments is maintained at a senior level. At least those of Assistant Chief Constable rank or equivalent now authorise deployments, and for deployments exceeding 12 months, this is conducted by a Chief Constable or equivalent. The independent Investigatory Powers Commissioner’s Office is informed of, and scrutinises undercover deployments.
“As the Tribunal in this case acknowledged, undercover policing remains an effective and vital tactic in the fight against serious organised crime. Officers in these roles put themselves at great risk every day to protect the public.
“Policing will continue to review current policies to ensure tactics are used lawfully and ethically, and all officers uphold the highest professional standards.”
Quote : In the name of God, go!
“You have sat too long here for any good you have been doing.
Depart, I say, and let us have done with you.
In the name of God, go! “
David Davis
House of Commons 19 January 2022
(in his attack on Biris Johnson)
Leo Amery
House of Commons 7 May 1940
(in his attack on Neville Chamberlain)
Original quote:
Oliver Cromwell Speech
“It is high time for me to put an end to your sitting in this place, which you have dishonored by your contempt of all virtue, and defiled by your practice of every vice; ye are a factious crew, and enemies to all good government; ye are a pack of mercenary wretches, and would like Esau sell your country for a mess of pottage, and like Judas betray your God for a few pieces of money.
Is there a single virtue now remaining amongst you? Is there one vice you do not possess? Ye have no more religion than my horse; gold is your God; which of you have not barter’d your conscience for bribes? Is there a man amongst you that has the least care for the good of the Commonwealth?
Ye sordid prostitutes have you not defil’d this sacred place, and turn’d the Lord’s temple into a den of thieves, by your immoral principles and wicked practices? Ye are grown intolerably odious to the whole nation; you were deputed here by the people to get grievances redress’d, are yourselves gone! So! Take away that shining bauble there, and lock up the doors.
In the name of God, go!”
Oliver Cromwell
20 April 1653
(Dissolution of the Long Parliament by Oliver Cromwell given to the House of Commons)
Cafe Royal Books pub: my Stonehenge Solstice Zine
![](https://i0.wp.com/alanlodge.co.uk/blog/wp-content/uploads/2021/01/stonehenge-crb-version-36p-cover.jpg?resize=640%2C908&ssl=1)
Boris Johnson questioned by Line of Duty team in Led by Donkeys video
The PM is questioned by AC-12 officers about lockdown breaches in a spoof episode of Line of Duty by the satirical artists Led By Donkeys. The video was posted on Twitter on Tuesday and was swiftly retweeted by the Line of Duty writer Jed Mercurio with the words ‘brilliant work’. Subscribe to Guardian News on YouTube ► http://bit.ly/guardianwiressub As part of Operation BYOB, the AC-12 investigators Ted Hastings, Steve Arnott and Kate Fleming tell the PM: ‘We’re satisfied that you knowingly and intentionally flouted the rules because you believe you’re above the law’ Boris Johnson grilled by Line of Duty team in spoof video viewed by 5m ► https://www.theguardian.com/politics/…
Instant arrest without explanation
Gosh. I hadn’t check this out for a while. During my house move….. but now at 528k views. Amazing innit
Jason Kirkpatrick & the German SpyCops court case
Jason Kirkpatrick is a climate change activist based in Berlin who was targeted by undercover police officer Mark Kennedy. He is now taking legal action in Germany over the deployment of British undercover police officers at the G8 summit in Heiligendamm in 2007.
As mentioned in the episode, you can read reports from Statewatch at and https://gate.sc/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.statewatch.org%2Fanalyses%2F2018%2Fundercover-policing-the-alphabet-soup-of-cross-border-networks-groups-and-projects%2F&token=696833-1-1642770350823
You can also read all about the movements of Mark Kennedy around Germany and elsewhere: powerbase.info/index.php/Mark_Ke…of_his_activities
For information on Jason’s film project: spiedupon.com/
and more from Jason: campaignopposingpolicesurveillance.com/tag/j…rick/